Giving Black® Hampton Roads by Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Giving Black®: Hampton Roads GIVING BLACK®: GREATER RICHMOND THE GENESIS OF AMERICAN BLACK PHILANTHROPY AUGUST 2021

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Cover Photo (bottom right): Hampton History Museum Collections, 2009.15.6284/0078 Revised

TABLE OF CONTENTS Letter from the President, NEBiP 5 Letter from the CEO, Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Letter from the Steering Committee, Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Executive Summary 8 History at a Glance 12

What Shapes Our Belief in Us

Past & Present: The Genesis of Giving Black

Giving Birth to a Tradition of Giving 16 The Creation of “Black” Americans 18 Giving Black to Freedom 20 Reconstructing the Black Community 24 By the Community, For the Community 26 Black in Business 28 Civic Life for Civil Rights 29 Giving Black and Thinking Ahead 30 Going Forward 31 The Essence of Our Being 33 Black Hampton Roads 34 Donor Profiles 36 A New Rising Tide 43 Our Community, Our Justice 46 Opportunity for All 48 Our Community: 0ur Strength 51 Giving Black vs. Black Giving 52 Giving and Wealth Practices 64 Black Philanthropic Opportunity 66 The Leverage of Linkage 69 Community Responsibility and Commonality 70 Recommendations 71 Conclusion 73 Appendix 75 Data Analytics 76 Acknowledgments 78 References 80 Endnotes 83

Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy reflects the culmination of a collaborative partnership between New England Blacks in Philanthropy (NEBiP) and the Hampton Roads Community Foundation. The study elevates early Black giving in the region and provides quantitative and qualitative data on Black donors’ attitudes, beliefs, behaviors, and practices. In addition, the study offers two NEBiPdeveloped frameworks to provide additional context and a deeper understanding of Black donors’ motivation: a Black donor typology and Linked Philanthropic Equity (LPE)® framework offer a pathway for an intentional Black giving strategy. Finally, the study intends to provide current data to inform and catalyze conversations, discussions, and debates on the present and future of Black giving in the region.

New England Blacks in Philanthropy is dedicated to informing, reforming and transforming the practice of philanthropy by bringing forth a paradigm shift from focusing on the deficits of our communities to our assets. NEBiP, 101 Federal Street, Suite 1900, Boston, MA 02110 www.nebip.org

Hampton Roads Community Foundation is southeastern Virginia’s largest grant and scholarship provider. It has awarded more than $301 million since 1950 to make life better in Hampton Roads. The Community Foundation’s vision is a thriving community with opportunity for all. Hampton Roads Community Foundation, 101 W. Main Street, Suite 4500, Norfolk, VA 23510 www.hamptonroadscf.org

Launched in 2014, The W.K. Kellogg Foundation’s Catalyzing Community Giving (CCG) initiative supports communities of color using philanthropy to become change agents and positively impact the lives of children and families in their communities. www.wkkf.org

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of New England Blacks in Philanthropy. Questions? Email: affinitygiving@nebip.org Please follow standard APA rules for citation: New England Blacks in Philanthropy (2021). Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy. Boston, MA

LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT, NEBiP

WHY GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS? DEAR HAMPTON ROADS COMMUNITY, I am so excited to share our report, Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy. As our first Giving Black® post the twin pandemic, we are acutely aware of the circumstances that have challenged our nation’s health, prosperity, principles, and values. An ongoing pandemic, social and racial justice awakening, along with New York Times’ and Nikole Hannah-Jones’ 1619 Project, and the 2021 insurrection had many questioning our nation’s ideals, foundation, and destiny. Yet we, Black Americans, persist in using our time, talent, treasure, ties and testimony to Give Black® to our communities and beyond. Hampton Roads is singular in its effect and impact to Give Black® to a nation that was not always grateful for the gifts it received. Through the gifts of inventiveness, protection, support and sometimes even life itself, Blacks here gave more than their share. Hampton Roads, the oldest continuous Black community in the United States, is the beginning of Black resilience, freedom, and fearlessness. Its recent commemoration of 1619 and the forced arrival of the first Africans in the British colonies has refocused national and global attention on its significance. The intent here is not to provide an exhaustive account of Hampton Roads’ 400-year history, as many excellent studies of the region’s Black history exist. Instead, the purpose is to offer a portrayal of the rich tapestry of Black giving from which we can build a different foundation. The foundational aspects of Black philanthropic practices in Hampton Roads still resonate in our soul today as “family first,” whether it is birth families or a familiar community of people who care for each other and our well-being. Hampton Roads’ early philanthropists are significant for the region and the nation as they helped to seed and fuel Black giving across the country. Hampton Roads is where we meet the first Black landowners, and philanthropists who landed in what now represents the United States of America. This is the site of one of the first free Black communities that created economic systems based on traditions from their native land. It is here that we truly understand the impact of the West African traditions of giving, caring, and sharing for their families and others on Black philanthropy and general American philanthropy.

The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads report was a remarkable collaboration from beginning to end with several of the region’s dynamic philanthropic entities and Black philanthropists. The Hampton Roads Community Foundation and Visionaries for Change leadership transformed this study from vision to reality. The unstoppable and indefatigable trio of Robin Foreman-Wheeler, Sharon S. Goodwyn, and Vivian Oden, who comprised the Hampton Roads Steering Committee, lovingly and strategically guided this study. They offered timely, invaluable insight, unremittingly giving their time, talent, and testimony. Finally, we owe a debt of gratitude to the Advisory Council, who approached this project with the utmost care and attention, and with selflessness and generosity of spirit that harkened back to the region’s reservoir of Black giving that still resounds throughout Hampton Roads today. I also want to extend my appreciation and gratitude to the hundreds of people who engaged in this study, from taking the online survey to participating in the one-on-one interviews and focus groups. I also give a special thank you to the W.K. Kellogg Foundation for its support of this project. I remain indebted to my Giving Black®: Hampton Roads project team – Chief Researcher Marissa James, Director of Operations Aaron Arzu, Program Director Ariel Baker, Editors Keija Minor, Dr. Linda Cummings, and Rich Feinberg, Designer Ashley Melin and Special Advisor Eleanor Gaston. In addition, we want to acknowledge Beth Austin, Hampton History Museum and the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation for their support and assistance. Sincerely,

Bithiah Carter President, NEBiP

LETTER FROM THE CEO DEAR MEMBERS OF THE HAMPTON ROADS COMMUNITY, In late 2017, the Hampton Roads Community Foundation adopted a five-year strategic roadmap that included as one of its six priorities helping to create a more inclusive and equitable community for the region. We launched this journey with initial actions designed both to raise the consciousness of the region on the urgency of this work and to provide a path for our own internal reckonings as a philanthropic organization. Indeed, the journey to date has been as complex and soul-searching as the subject matter itself. Among those initial actions was to shine a spotlight on Black philanthropy in part by commissioning a study on Black giving for the Hampton Roads region through New England Blacks in Philanthropy. And what a story this study has told. We have learned about the power of Black philanthropy in Hampton Roads and its enduring impact on the region and her people. We have learned about Black donors and their steadfast giving. We have learned about their strong sense of community, their volunteerism across a variety of community organizations and causes, their fundamental belief in the importance of economic stability and wealth building. Indeed, this report confirms what many of us already know—that Black philanthropy in Hampton Roads is flourishing and it is up to all of us to be intentional and equitable in our engagement with the Black community. The Foundation’s hope is that together we will use the report as a resource for our collective journey toward a thriving community with opportunity for all. For additional information on the Hampton Roads Community Foundation and our commitment to racial equity, please visit the Foundation’s website at www.hamptonroadscf.org. Sincerely,

Deborah M. DiCroce President and CEO

LETTER FROM THE STEERING COMMITTEE DEAR COMMUNITY MEMBERS,

Thank you for your interest and time in the Giving Black®: Hampton Roads research project. We are grateful for you and for your efforts to share and amplify the rich history of Black giving in the region. Historically, Black communities have often been overlooked in philanthropy. Giving Black®: Hampton Roads provides a space for Black philanthropic thought leadership and intentional engagement of Black donors. With your help, we were able to engage more than 600 Black residents through surveys, interviews, and focus groups. As the Steering Committee for Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, we are pleased and thankful to have worked with an amazing Advisory Council of Black community leaders. For a year, you have devoted your time and energy to engaging Black voices in philanthropy in Hampton Roads. Together, we have learned more about the history of Black donors who join forces to support their own neighborhoods, schools, nonprofit organizations, and churches. We have heard about many unique attributes of Black philanthropy, such as the collective giving power, efforts to achieve transformational change, and the unwavering determination to provide a better life for their families. Thanks to your participation, these stories will not fade away. Instead, they serve as a testimony to the strength and generosity of the Black community in Hampton Roads and beyond. This is just the beginning of our journey to deepen relationships within the community and to reimagine philanthropy in a more equitable way.

Vivian Oden Vice President for Equity and Inclusion Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Sharon Goodwyn Counsel, Hunton Andrews Kurth LLP Vice Chair, Hampton Roads Community Foundation

We are so thankful to work side by side with each of you. We welcome you to continue this journey with us.

Robin Foreman-Wheeler Vice President for Administration Hampton Roads Community Foundation

HAMPTON ROADS: THE GENESIS OF AMERICAN BLACK PHILANTHROPY

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The mission of New England Blacks in Philanthropy (NEBiP) is to inform, reform and ultimately transform the philanthropic mindset by intentionally and strategically focusing on the considerable assets of Black communities rather than our deficits. We seek to uplift our Black communities’ history, contributions and giving practices, and honor our resiliency and legacy.

The first Africans influenced the young nation’s evolving cultural practices and systems that propel us to define the concept of freedom, liberty and citizenship for all.

Our report, Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy, highlights the region’s early history of Black philanthropy and details Black donors’ current attitudes, beliefs, practices, and trends. Its purpose is to provide data and evidence related to the contemporary Black giving landscape. We hope to catalyze conversations on Black philanthropy, both its current contribution and untapped potential. The study expands upon NEBiP-developed frameworks presented in our previous Giving Black reports in Boston (2015), Cincinnati (2018), and Richmond (2020) to offer additional context for understanding Black donor motivation and providing an aspirational pathway for a strategic Black philanthropic practice.

The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads study represents an 18-month collaboration between NEBiP, Hampton Roads Community Foundation, Visionaries for Change, and other notable philanthropic partners and individuals in the region. This study relies upon quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The report’s findings and recommendations are based on information and analysis from focus groups, one-on-one interviews, and an online survey. Over 500 people participated in this study, 470 of whom accessed the survey online, with 320 completed survey responses. The survey data was collected from February to April 2021. Most survey respondents were well-educated Black people. Respondents spanned five generations, from the Silent Generation to Generation Z, with Baby Boomers and Generation X comprising the largest cohorts. Nearly half of the respondents had an annual household income of $100,000 or more. A majority (87%) of respondents did not previously or currently serve in the military. A predominant number of survey respondents (84%) reported earning a Bachelor’s or Advanced Degree, and two-thirds of the respondents were connected to HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities). Nearly nine out of ten respondents (88%) had resided in Hampton Roads for a decade or longer. Hampton Roads is singular in Black philanthropy. Early Black giving practices first present in Hampton Roads evolved and seeded Black giving across this nation. While that narrative has yet to be entirely written, we know that the first Africans in British North America who landed at Point Comfort near Hampton were survivors. The first Africans and the others who followed brought immense talent, gifts, culture, and skills in farming, herding, blacksmithing, food and religion.

Black life in Hampton Roads’ early years was challenging. It is believed that many of the first Africans in the US were religious, multi-lingual and skilled.1 Slavery was a concept that was unacceptable and fought by Blacks from the moment that the first Africans arrived. They sought freedom and by the late 17th century freed Blacks started to emerge as property owners, using their first philanthropic efforts to purchase the freedom of others, mostly family and fictive kinship.2 Black people, both free and enslaved, despite significant risks, found and created opportunities for Black giving of time, talent, ties, testimony and treasure. With limited resources, they used their time and talent to challenge and resist their unequal status by secretly meeting, filing court cases, running away and rebelling. Freed Blacks of the 1640s demanded respect and used their power to challenge laws that were extracting their freedom. With the development of local government – Norfolk County, Jamestown, and other locales in Hampton Roads – freed Blacks to some extent saw themselves as part of the broader new American history that was forming. As early as 1634 free Blacks and to some extent slaves were engaged in various business activities.3 The Black population was growing and some of the tenant farms and small holdings in the interior may have belonged to free Blacks.4 Blacks remained resistant and resolute in not accepting slavery prior to the Civil War. The growth of the Great Dismal Swamp and the significant numbers of Blacks who turned to the water are clear examples of freedom seekers carving out opportunity in a liberty-barren land. Free Blacks carved out livelihoods as oystermen, boatmen and other maritime trades that could be taken up with relatively little harassment and interference from an often-hostile White world.5 This entrepreneurial opportunity gave Black people of Hampton Roads an advantage to serve the needs of other Blacks, rebuilding decimated cities and establishing new, independent Black communities. During the Civil War, the region’s Black people did not sit idle. Black people escaping slavery began to populate Fort Monroe. Newly developed Black businesses became a key resource to meet pressing community needs post-Civil War. After the war, the majority of Black churches in the region

What is a 21st Century Approach to Black Donors in Hampton Roads? 1

Each city of Hampton Roads is distinct in its historical importance to Hampton Roads. Finding a way to honor the uniqueness of place and the threads of commonality is important to Black Donors in Hampton Roads.

Pay attention to the rural areas of Hampton Roads. There is a strong sense of pride, principle and resources of time, talent, treasure, ties and testimony that exist there as well as in the urban communities.

Black Donors of Hampton Roads want intentional stewardship, not transactional relationships.

were built. Black philanthropists began to wield both social and political capital. The Reconstruction period brought hope and then heartache as hard-fought societal gain was met with significant political and economic backlash. As Black philanthropists pressed forward in a segregated world, they resisted the social subjugation that White Hampton Roads tried to enforce. They funded, supported, and strategized on restoring the rights that were stripped away by Virginia’s 1902 constitution. Fraternal organizations began to flourish and played an important role in circumventing the racially exclusive social order. It was these organizations and their Black women’s group counterparts that shaped Black philanthropy and spearheaded social change throughout the Civil Rights and Black Power movements. Even today, Black churches and social organizations are key in Hampton Roads’ Black giving and in mobilizing Black communities. During the Civil Rights era, Black church-

HAMPTON ROADS: THE GENESIS OF AMERICAN BLACK PHILANTHROPY

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY es were hubs for collective action by Black communities. Recently, that activism has been reenergized by newer organizations and movements. Currently, the national Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has refocused attention on police violence and racial inequities. Its local counterpart, BLM757, demonstrated leadership in confronting police violence and racial inequities, catalyzing a younger generation of activists. Their attention in highlighting racial equity and racial justice reflects the region’s early Black giving practices of using time, talent and treasure for freedom for Black communities. The contemporary Black giving landscape is marked by familiar ties with the region’s early Black giving and newer trends. The Black church, for example, is still central for Hampton Roads Black donors. These donors reported high levels of regular church attendance and ranked the Black church as one of their top donation destinations. Yet, newer platforms and practices have emerged on the Black giving landscape, including the rise of internet-based giving, giving circles and donor-advised funds. National trends of Black giving offer additional background to understanding local Black giving trends. Recent studies of charitable giving enrich our understanding of contemporary Black giving in Hampton Roads. As noted in an early study, Virginia ranked 6th (out of 64 localities) and received a Generosity Index score of 6.1 (out of 10).6 However, this study did not focus on Black donor views, practices and motivations, which further underscores the importance of our study, Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy.

HIGHLIGHTS OF HAMPTON ROADS SURVEY FINDINGS • Top ranking of economic stability/wealth building as Black donors’ most important issue with racial and social justice following as a close 2nd • Nine out of ten Black donors strongly support their donations for Black-led nonprofits but three-quarters of Black donors reported volunteering in Black and non-Black communities • Nearly one-third of Black donors reported total donations of $5,000+ over the past twelve months. (Average donation of all US households is $2,514)7 • 40% of Black donors reported no financial contributions to traditional civil rights organizations over the past twelve months • Two-thirds of Black donors reported having a wealth management plan but not necessarily a philanthropic legacy plan • Nearly all Black donors reported that their fate is linked to the Black community as a whole

NEBiP offers two frameworks for the region’s Black donor community to consider in its conversations on the current and future state of Black philanthropy. First, NEBiP’s Black donor typology offers information on the different types and tendencies of Black donors, including their motivation and practices. Second, NEBiP’s Linked Philanthropic Equity Framework (LPE) expands upon the connections between Black donors and the Black community in service of guiding both to a more strategic Black giving practice. Hampton Roads has an abundance of assets: a favorable geographic location, a government hub, a significant military presence, world class universities and a vibrant cultural scene, all anchored by the region’s historical significance. Yet, Hampton Roads residents face various challenges, with a significant number of them living at or below the federal pov-

erty line. To ground our recommendations, we used research, data and the invaluable input and feedback of many Hampton Roads Black donors who generously gave their time, talent, ties, treasure and testimony. It is their voice, interests and aspirations that we hope to amplify through the following recommendations:

Develop a regional strategy of economic stability and wealth building to strengthen bonds between different Black donors and communities of Hampton Roads

Develop and coalesce around an agenda that values and elevates strategic Black philanthropy

Nurture, cultivate and invest in the pipeline of the next generation of Black philanthropic leaders that is inclusive of all levels of philanthropy

Build upon the inroads into the region’s Black communities by sponsoring events and programs focused on their topics of interest

Invest in building a network or cohort of Black-led organizations to amplify and increase Black communities’ awareness of their presence, influence and successes

Offer tools, resources, and capacity building opportunities to increase intergenerational knowledge and philanthropic wealth management

Amplify the results of the Giving Black study to encourage the building of tangible and visible bridges/ connections across business, government and foundations to strengthen the Black philanthropic community

Our approach is to offer research and data as touchstones to counter anecdotes, assumptions and false narratives of Black giving. We believe research should invite additional conversation, debate and questions. It is our hope that Hampton Roads’ community considers the findings, as it seeks to increase equity for all. We trust this report will prove useful in conversations about Black donor views, behaviors, practices and trends.

Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy chronicles Hampton Roads’ unique history and rich legacy of Black giving. Its practices and traditions helped to seed and fuel Black giving across the nation. Our research highlights the beliefs, views, behavior and patterns of Hampton Roads’ Black donors and presents a more nuanced portrait of Black giving.

G I V I N G B L AC K ® : H A M P TO N R OA D S

HISTORY AT A GLANCE

Led by Gowan Pamphlet, free and enslaved Blacks met in secret to worship. These gatherings evolved into the first organized Black Baptist Church in the 1780s, which later became First Baptist Church of Williamsburg.

1619

The first Blacks, who were enslaved, arrived at Point Comfort, today’s Fort Monroe in Hampton, with a rich history of experience in financial enterprises.

There were 20 Blackowned banks in Virginia and half of these were in Hampton Roads. Norfolk had three, and the Suffolk area had one, Phoenix Bank of Nansemond. The bank served the farmers and laborers of Suffolk and surrounding Nansemond County.

1875 1700s

The construction of Aberdeen Gardens, a 400-acre subdivision in Hampton, began. It was the only community in the United States designed by a Black American architect and built by Black American contractors and laborers. The seven streets within the community, excluding Aberdeen Road, are named for prominent Black Americans.

1923 1900

The Black community in Norfolk established a YMCA. It later was named William A. Hunton YMCA, after the first full-time, paid director.

1950 1934

The Attucks Theatre opened and is the oldest remaining theatre in the nation that was completely financed, designed, constructed, and operated by Black Americans. The theatre was named after Crispus Attucks.

Seven Norfolk business leaders created Virginia’s first community foundation, The Norfolk Foundation, to support communities who have historically been disadvantaged. The Norfolk Foundation later merged with the Virginia Beach Foundation to create the Hampton Roads Community Foundation.

A group of Black American philanthropists joined together to form the African American Leadership Society at the United Way of South Hampton Roads.

1990-2016

The Hampton Roads Community Foundation made a commitment to focus on racial equity and hosted the first-ever regional Black Philanthropy Month celebration in August.

2008 2007

Black professionals joined together to create numerous organizations to provide programs and scholarships in the Black community. Those organizations include Friends of Hampton Roads, 100 Black Men of the Virginia Peninsula, Hampton Roads Committee of 200+ Men, and New Chesapeake Men for Progress. Black BRAND was formed to serve as a Black Chamber of Commerce and promote group economics and community empowerment.

The Black Community Partnership Fund was launched at the Hampton Roads Community Foundation with a $1 million grant from Facebook. The fund will provide grants to Black-led and Black-serving local nonprofits. At the conclusion of the Giving Black study research, the Hampton Roads Community Foundation will work with Visionaries for Change and the Advisory Council on how the data can direct the next steps on a more equitable and inclusive philanthropic Hampton Roads community.

2019 2018

The first endowed fund was established by a Black American donor at the Hampton Roads Community Foundation.

2021

Black business and civic leaders in Hampton Roads established Visionaries for Change, a giving circle to support charitable causes in the Black community.

All photos except “1619” Source: Hampton History Museum

PAST & PRESENT

GENESIS OF GIVING BLACK

PAST & PRESENT

GIVING BIRTH TO A TRADITION Located on the Eastern Seaboard where the Chesapeake Bay meets the Atlantic Ocean, Hampton Roads was the landing place in 1619 of the first Africans in British North America. The descendants of these enslaved Africans, whose number was listed as “20 and odd” became entrepreneurs and landowners, heroes of the American Revolutionary War, and freedom fighters on the Underground Railroad during the Civil War. Hampton Roads served as the site of the first southern reading of the Emancipation Proclamation. The generations that followed built Black communities in Hampton Roads, and through perseverance and resilience, laid a path of freedom for Black people in the region.

GIVING BIRTH TO A TRADITION OF GIVING Hampton Roads has a unique place in the history of Black philanthropy. The traits that characterized Black giving in Hampton Roads throughout its history are visible in communities across the nation even as philanthropic practices grew and evolved over time. Africans brought with them to the new colonies a tradition of giving, caring and sharing. These enslaved people were productive members of Angola’s Ndongo kingdom and spoke either Kimbundu or Kikongo.1 Because the Portuguese required prisoners to be baptized, they may have been Christian as well. Whether baptized or

not, the first Africans arriving in Virginia were most likely familiar with Christianity, which was introduced to the Angola region of Africa before the Atlantic slave trade. Many of the first Africans were both multi-lingual and skilled in farming, herding, and blacksmithing.2 The philanthropy of early Blacks was focused on developing and sustaining their communities. This historical narrative highlights examples of Black philanthropy in Hampton Roads: the goals, patterns and practices of the region’s Black communities as they built and supported their communities. The history that began with the first enslaved Africans established a rich legacy for Black giving in Hampton Roads. In a region of many firsts, Black people in Hampton Roads made significant contributions and achieved remarkable accomplishments that not only improved their lives and the wellbeing of their communities but changed the course of history, culture and definitions of freedom and liberty in this country. THE FIRST AFRICANS The first Africans in British North America landed at Point Comfort, Virginia, near present day Hampton. Facing harrowing circumstances and enduring unimaginable hardships, these early Africans were enslaved twice. Kidnapped first by the Portuguese, they were marched 200 miles to board an overcrowded slave ship for the long, inhumane journey to Veracruz, Mexico. The Portuguese ship carrying the captives was intercepted by Dutch and English slave traders who then took the enslaved Africans, sailed to Point Comfort, and traded them to Virginia’s first governor for food and supplies. The captured Africans were then dispersed among White plantation owners. The arrival of Africans in 1619 marked a turning point in what was to become the United States. African skills in construction and agriculture, including the cultivation of tobacco, contributed to the wealth of the new nation. By 1630, racism and slavery were clearly stamped on American soil, as evidenced by increasingly onerous laws and codes hindering Black freedom and threatening the well-being of free Blacks, if not all Blacks.

Antonio and Mary Johnson arrived as enslaved people several years after the first Africans and both became prosperous. Brought to Virginia in 1621 and 1622, respectively, their slave owner freed them and by the 1630s they were listed as free Blacks raising livestock. They married and became known as Anthony and Mary Johnson. Anthony was a tenant farmer who eventually traded cattle. Twenty years later, the Johnsons owned 250 acres of land and had five Black servants. They had at least three children and eventually moved to Maryland, abandoning their Virginia farm, partly due to harassment by their White neighbors.5

Debate exists around the exact status of the first Africans, whether it was closer to enslaved or indentured servant. In either case, they were not free, and many turned to the court system to seek freedom for themselves and family members. Free Blacks, and to some extent slaves, engaged in various business activities as early as 1634.3 Among the population of Blacks at the time were tenant farmers, and small holdings in the interior area of Hampton Roads may have belonged to free Blacks.4

Black giving practices emerged and flourished in the safe social and cultural refuge of the early settlements in Hampton Roads. Less than two decades after the arrival of the first Africans, Virginia passed laws codifying the status of enslaved people. As the importation of enslaved Black populations accelerated, the number of Blacks saw an 80-fold increase over the original “20 and odd.”

WHO WAS ANGELO/ANGELA? Little is known about the first Africans in Hampton Roads. Angelo (later spelling feminized as Angela) is one exception. In 1625, Angela was one of nine of the first Africans living in Jamestown and the only one identified by name. She was thought to be in her mid-30s. Kidnapped twice, Angela lived through the Middle Passage and then was enslaved as a household servant of Captain William Pierce, Virginia’s future lieutenant governor. In 2017, archaeologists uncovered the foundation of Pierce’s home where Angela worked (Angela’s site), establishing a physical location for one of the nation’s first Africans.6

Angela’s Site Source: Cottman, 2017

PAST & PRESENT

THE CREATION OF “BLACK” AMERICANS Benevolent practices in the Black community in Hampton Roads were hindered by restrictive laws and policies as the numbers of enslaved and free people grew. In the decades following 1619, Virginia cemented Africans’ inferior status, restricted their freedom and designated them and their children as enslaved for life.

THE CREATION OF “BLACK” AMERICANS From the 1660s to 1700 Virginia enacted a succession of racist laws. The Virginia colony was the first to legally designate African inhabitants as slaves for life. In 1662 the citizenship of children shifted from the father to the mother. By 1667, Virginia voted that not even a Christian baptism could save one’s soul from a lifetime of enslavement. Gloucester County witnessed its first slave revolt in 1663. After Bacon’s Rebellion in 1676, laws oppressing Blacks grew at alarming

speed. In 1680 Virginia prohibited all Blacks, free or enslaved, from bearing arms; in 1682 all “imported Blacks” were declared slaves for life; in 1691 Virginia passed the first antimiscegenation law and prohibited manumission of enslaved people within its borders (manumitted slaves were forced to leave the colony). This continued disenfranchisement culminated in the 1705 Virginia Slave Codes. Following the American Revolution, Blacks freed after 1805 were required to leave Virginia. Policies that limited Black freedom were tightened after Black rebellions in 1800 in Richmond and the 1831 Nat Turner’s Rebellion in Southampton County. Blacks were prohibited from congregating unless under White supervision. Even with laws that were inconsistently enforced, Blacks who gathered risked arrest, physical punishment, forced emigration from Virginia and/or revocation of their free status. Blacks in Hampton Roads resisted their unequal status by meeting in secret, filing court cases, running away and engaging in acts of rebellion. Despite these barriers and limited resources, both free and enslaved Blacks found opportunities for community

ANTHONY & ISABELLA– HAMPTON ROADS’ FIRST BLACK FAMILY A couple, Anthony and Isabella, arrived with the first wave of Africans, leaving a family legacy for current-day residents of Hampton Roads. Anthony and Isabella were servants of Captain William Tucker. In 1625, they gave birth to one of the first two Black children born in the North American colonies including a son, William Tucker, who was baptized. The fate of the first African couple and their son William is unclear. By one account, William was later employed as an indentured servant who purchased land. Today, the Tucker family of Hampton Roads claims to be William Tucker’s direct descendants, based mostly upon their family’s oral traditions.7

Hampton’s Tucker family at Carol Tucker’s 88th birthday Source: Berry and Hampson, 2019

members to challenge punitive laws in court. The few free Africans formed secret societies reminiscent of the traditional social organizations found in regions of west and west central Africa such as the Poro and Lemba societies. Prevalent during slavery in the Chesapeake Bay region, these secret societies created a family-like social organization. Like the Poro and Sande societies of West Africa, the secret societies of Hampton Roads reinforced a sense of community and societal bonds that transcended family, clan or ethnic barriers. Enslaved Blacks are reported to have also had mutual aid societies. These slave societies, existing without the knowledge of their enslavers, were especially prevalent in Virginia.8

During this period freed and enslaved Blacks sought refuge in the Great Dismal Swamp, an area of more than 112,000 acres of densely wooded, but sparsely populated, low lying wetlands located southwest of Portsmouth. This area became a refuge and a site for resistance and philanthropic activity. Here, maroons (descendants of Africans who often mixed with indigenous people) and other Blacks who sought to avoid contact with White society, created community, raised families, built homes and lived off the land. Enslaved Blacks from nearby plantations gave the maroon community small rations of food. Both free and enslaved Blacks worked in the swamp and hired maroons, paying them with food, money or clothing. A few, like Moses Grandy, prospered.9

MOSES GRANDY From previously enslaved to successful business owner Born enslaved, Moses Grandy became a successful Black business owner. Although enslaved, Grandy hired out his time and lived away from his slaveholder. As a shingle maker, he saved enough money to establish a business renting boats and transporting goods and hired Black employees. Grandy eventually earned enough money to purchase his freedom.10

Great Dismal Swamp Source: Newby et al, p. 20 / Source: Belsches, 9

Source: National Parks Service

PAST & PRESENT

GIVING BLACK TO FREEDOM “RELEASE US OUT OF THIS CRUELL BONDEGG”: AN APPEAL FROM VIRGINIA 1723 Transcription by Thomas N. Ingersoll argument August the forth 1723 To the Right Righ Raverrand father in god my Lord arch Bishop of Lonnd This coms to sattesfie you honour that there is in this land of verJennia a sort of people that is calld molatters which are Baptised and brouaht up in the way of the Christian faith and the and followes the wayes and Rulles of the Church of England and sum of them has white fathers and sum white mothers and there is in this Land a L a Law or act which keeps and makes them there seed Slaves forever – and most honoured sir a mongst the Rest of you Charitabell acts and deed wee humbly your humbell and pou poore parishinners doo begg Sir your aid and assistance in this one thing wich Lise as I doo understand of in your LordShips brest which is that yr honour yr honour will by the help of our Suffervering [i.e. soverign] Lord King George and the Rest of the Rullers will release us out of this Cruell Bondegg and this wee beg for Jesus Christs his of Sake who has commaded us to seeke first the kingdom of god god and all things shall be addid un un to us and here it is to bee noted that one brother is a Slave to another and one Sister to an othe which is quite out the way and as for mee [ cancellation] my selfe I am my brothers Slave but my name is Secrett And here it is to bee notd againe that wee were commanded to keep holey the Sabbath day and wee doo hardly know when it comes for our [ cancellation] task mastrs are has hard with us as the Egypttions was with the Chilldan of Issarall god be marcifll unto us here follows our hard service Devarity and Sorrowfull Sarvicer we are

hard used up on Every account in the first place wee are in Ignorance of our Salvation and in the next place weee are kept out of the Church and and matrimony is denied us and to be plain they doo Look no more up on us then if wee ware dogs which I hope when these Strange Lines comes to your Lod Ships will be looket in to and here wee beg for Jesus Christs his Sake that as your honour do hope for the marcy of god att the day of death and the Redemtion of our Saviour Christ that when this comes to your Lord Ships hands your honor wll Take Sum pitty of us who is your humble butt Sorrowfull portitinors and Sir wee your humble perticners do humbllly beg the favour of your Lord Ship that your honour will grant and Settell one thing upon us which is that our ch childarn may be broatt up in the way of the Christtian faith and our desire is that they may be Larnd the Lords prayer the creed and the ten commandements and that they may appeare Every Lord’s day att Church before the C Curatt to bee Exammond for our desire is that godllines Should abound amongs us and wee desire is that our Childarn be putt to Scool and and Larnd to Reed through the BYbell which is all att prasant with our prayers to god for itts good Success before your honour these from your humbell Servants in the Lord my Riting is vary bad I whope yr honur will take the will for the deede I am but a poore Slave th that writt itt and has no other tinme time butt Audrey and hardly that att Sumtimes September 8th 1723 To the Right Reverrand Father in d god My Lord arch bishop of J Londons These with care Wee dare nott Suscrivbe any mans name to this for feare of our masters if or if They knew that wee have Sent home to you honour wee Should goo neare to swing upon the galas tree (Anonymous 1723)

Source: National Parks Service www.nps.gov/ethnography/aah/AAheritage/sysMeaningD.htm

GIVING BLACK TO FREEDOM As the colonies began their fight for freedom from Britain, the Black population believed the desire for liberty would revolutionize the meaning of freedom for all. Military service was thought to be an avenue to gain freedom. Black men, enslaved and free, served in every war of consequence during the colonial period. In the American Revolutionary War both Patriots and Loyalists reached out to Virginia’s Black male residents to serve as wa-

termen because of their skill in navigating the Chesapeake Bay. As a result, some Blacks during this period fought for each side, but all fought for freedom. But for the over 5,000 American-born Black Patriots who fought in the war, the new nation fell far short of its ideal of freedom for all. After the Revolutionary War, a growing group of free Blacks established social institutions including churches, schools, and benevolent societies. Through these institutions, free Blacks sought manumission of the enslaved and lobbied to end slavery by embedding their arguments in the language of human rights and the democratic principles of the new nation.11

Source: Concept Design for The Black Revolutionary Patriots Memorial, National Park Service

For a brief period, Blacks’ enslaved status improved after the American Revolution, as their heroic deeds, along with the revolutionary fervor and rhetoric of the time, spurred several slaveholders to free over 20,000 Black men, including those who fought with the White colonists. A free Black, Chesapeake’s William Flora, was a Revolutionary War hero who was publicly commended for his bravery.

JOSEPH RANGER One of the most daring men of the American Revolutionary War Fought for American independence and achieved personal advancement - Ranger joined the Virginia Navy as a seaman and fought the British alongside White Americans until he was taken prisoner when the British attacked in 1781. He survived, and received a land bounty warrant in the 1830s which gave him property in the West.12 •

A free Black man from Northumberland County, VA

•

Served in the Virginia Navy from 1776 to 1787

•

Taken prisoner by the British in 1781 and released after the Battle of Yorktown

•

Paid well during the war, later awarded 100 acres of land and a $96 annual pension for his service

•

Settled in Hampton (home of the Virginia Navy) after the war, owned land near today’s Victoria Boulevard and Hunter B. Andrews School

A drawing of a Black Continental soldier. National Parks Service

PAST & PRESENT

THE GENESIS OF GIVING BLACK A young plantation owner, William Ludwell Lee, created the free Black community of Hot Water Spring Plantation (renamed Freedom Park), one of the few free Black settlements in Hampton Roads before the Civil War. In 1834 there were 16 free Black households in Freedom Park who were the most likely sources of Black philanthropic activities in the area. Some households included extended families and others contained people who were not related. Female-headed households were more likely to share their homes with non-related women and children who needed a place to live.13

Source: Everett Collection

With its numerous waterways, Hampton Roads was an active station on the Underground Railroad. Free and enslaved Blacks, along with some White individuals, risked their livelihoods and lives to assist enslaved people seeking freedom.

Reconstructed Cabin, Freedom Park Source: McCartney, 2020

Source: Hampton History Museum

Most escapes occurred aboard boats during the 1850s. Hampton Roads’ freedom seekers comprised nearly half of runaways from Virginia.14 For example, Norfolk’s John Minkins, a free Black man, helped Henry “Box” Brown escape aboard the City of Richmond steamship where Minkins worked. Enslaved Henry Lewey, one of the most active Underground Railroad agents, used the name of Bluebeard to disguise his identity and help himself escape Hampton Roads. During this time, Blacks gravitated to the more urbanized areas in Hampton Roads for work and the possibility of purchasing their freedom. The free Black community grew as a result of men who served in the Revolutionary War. Blacks used their economic power to create and enhance their communities. Enslaved Blacks used their resources to escape from slavery and to help their loved ones or strangers do the same, at considerable personal risk. Free Blacks even tried to use the system of enslavement to outright purchase their children, wives, husbands and fictive kin. As Virginia law increasingly regulated and restricted their movement and behavior, free Blacks feared re-enslavement. Before Nat Turner’s 1831 rebellion, free Blacks who helped

Official State Map Pre-Civil War Hampton Roads – Public Domain

the enslaved hide were subject to being fined, sentenced and publicly whipped. It was a felony for a free Black to lend his or her registration card to an enslaved Black. In the decade preceding the Civil War, improved economic conditions helped Black businesses in Hampton Roads gain a foothold. Norfolk’s Jacob Riddick, for example, operated a successful barbershop, and Robert Butts established a booming undertaking business after an 1855 yellow fever epidemic. Black female business owners were also more common during this period. In Portsmouth, Mary Scott served as a fish dealer and Elizabeth Smith as a laundress. The Civil War however, erased the gains of the previous decade, and many Black businesses did not survive the war’s ensuing chaos and economic devastation.15

During the Civil War, especially in the summer of 1861, Blacks began to emancipate themselves. Hampton Roads was abandoned by most of its White occupants in May, and the region was burned and devastated in August. In the area, a new community of former slaves emancipated themselves and built a new life in freedom. “On the ashes of the old town of Hampton, ‘Contrabands’ and others who had escaped from slavery made new homes and built cabins of rough-hewn wood visible against the brick chimneys (that were) still standing amongst the rubble of Hampton’s ruins.”16 The U.S. Army became a viable source of employment for Blacks as laborers, nurses, and launderers. Some were able to sell goods, especially food, to the soldiers. Still others took over farms in the area that had been abandoned by White landowners.

PAST & PRESENT

RECONSTRUCTING THE BLACK COMMUNITY The nation as represented by the army, Congress, and President Lincoln was compelled to confront slavery and prioritize its abolition as a military and political objective. In large part these actions were a result of the thousands of enslaved people who had emancipated themselves. Congress incorporated the “contraband” doctrine through legislation in 1861 and 1862 and permitted the harboring by the U.S. Army of fugitive formerly enslaved people. The contraband doctrine applied to those thousands who had already escaped, which helped to undermine the institution of slavery across the South. The Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 was rooted in the existing policy.

Source: Everrett Collection

Association helped to establish Black schools, but Black people raised money to secure land, construct buildings, buy school supplies and pay teachers’ salaries.

Source: Everett Collection

RECONSTRUCTING THE BLACK COMMUNITY In post-Civil War Hampton Roads, especially during the Reconstruction period, Black people generously gave financially and leveraged other philanthropic resources to uplift newly freed Blacks. The Black community supported schools for Black children, established Black churches, developed institutions like hospitals, and formed social and political organizations. The Freedmen’s Bureau and the American Missionary

In Suffolk, the Reverend William W. Gaines, pastor of the First Baptist Church, established the Nansemond Normal and Industrial Institute. In Suffolk County, farmer and carpenter Axium J. Holland contributed his land to build an elementary school. Willis A. Hodges, the son of prosperous free Blacks in Princess Anne County (later the city of Virginia Beach) co-founded the Ram’s Horn newspaper, opened a school and became very involved in the Republican Party to support radical reforms and racial equality.17 After the Civil War, Blacks of Hampton Roads continued to establish churches, support schools for Black children, and form social organizations. Established by London-based philanthropists in 1760, the Bray School of Hampton Roads was one of the earliest schools for Black children in North America. However, the Bray School was an exception among area schooling for Black children. Black schools depended largely on support from Black philanthropists and Black churches. In Williamsburg, Black churches began educating Black youth prior to the creation of Virginia public schools.18 Hampton Roads’ Black community also sup-

ported public schools for Black children, providing resources and covering teacher salaries. The City of Hampton’s resurrection during the post-Civil War period was in large part due to Blacks who rebuilt decimated areas and established new, independent Black comwww.commons.wikimedia.org/ munities. Contrabands who wiki/File:Willis_A._Hodges.png Public Domain sought safe harbor at Fort Monroe during the Civil War helped rebuild the area as well. As the late Gerri Hollins, Hampton’s chronicler and a descendant of contrabands, noted, “(contrabands) made a moral, spiritual, economically

And when the Southerners came back and moved outside downtown, the slaves reached out to help them get back on their feet.”19 viable community for former slaves.

Norfolk Mission School, 2nd graduating class, 1889 Source: Rose, 2000

The Freedmen’s Village Source: Hampton History Museums

Axium J. Holland Source: Montgomery, 2005

PAST & PRESENT

THE GENESIS OF GIVING BLACK BY THE COMMUNITY, FOR THE COMMUNITY Decimated during the war, the Hampton Roads Black population exploded as thousands flocked to the area in search of loved ones, relief and opportunity. Existing channels of relief were overwhelmed and often denied to Black citizens who continued to look toward their churches, organizations, and each other for relief. Black giving continued through benevolent societies and mutual aid groups. Two Black settlements quickly formed in Hampton Roads, one near Fort Monroe and the other in York County, as Blacks sought assistance and social services. Both settlements attracted formerly enslaved and freed Blacks from the countryside. Hampton Roads, specifically Fort Monroe, represented a beacon of hope and freedom for enslaved Blacks during the war. The fort’s commander, General Benjamin Butler, declared that slaves who reached Fort Monroe were “contraband” and free inside the fort. As word spread, thousands of free and newly freed Blacks flocked to Hampton Roads seeking shelter, food, relief and assistance in finding loved ones. In 1863, Black philanthropist and educator Mary Peake reportedly gave the first southern reading of the Emancipation Proclamation under the Emancipation Oak Tree on

present day Hampton University’s campus. In the Yorktown settlement, over 12,000 Blacks lived in a twenty-block area that included a church, schools, and a cemetery.20 Black women of Hampton Roads played significant leadership roles in early Black giving. Portsmouth native Ida Barbour, an early Ida Barbour. childhood advocate and Black Source: The New Journal and Guide philanthropist, established the first day care in Virginia. Barbour earned a teaching degree in Philadelphia, then returned to her hometown in 1898 to work as a teacher in the school she attended as a child. After a neighbor died, Ida and her elderly mother cared for her neighbor’s orphaned children and then began caring for the children of working-class Black mothers. Barbour’s sewing circle, “The Needle Guild of America,” raised funds to support her by holding bazaars and selling “dinners, furniture (and) jewelry.” Barbour “never said no to a child” and augmented her childcare work with her modest teaching salary. Through her vision and leadership, Barbour and other Black women established the Miller Day

MARY KELSEY PEAKE Mary Kelsey Peake attended schools in Philadelphia, but returned to Norfolk to create a secret school in the First Baptist Church. She also founded the Daughters of Zion, a benevolent group that aimed to assist the vulnerable. After marriage and a move to Hampton, Peake established a second secret school where Blacks were taught how to read. After the Civil War, she was hired by the American Missionary Association as one of the first teachers in Hampton. Peake was not paid for her effort, believing her “compensation was in doing good deeds.”21 Source: Hampton University Archives

Nursery and Home in 1911. Today, Barbour’s organization survives as the nonprofit Ida Barbour Early Learning Center, whose mission is to support low-income families and prepare them for the global society.22 In 1867 two formerly enslaved women, Annetta M. Lane of Norfolk and Harriet R. Taylor of Hampton, founded the Southern chapter of the United Order of Tents. “The Tents” referred to the Underground Railroad practice of providing tents to those escaping slavery, and the Order of the Tents is one of the oldest Christian fraternal organizations of Black women. The Tents focused on helping newly freed Black women through mutual aid, building wealth, and ensuring economic security for the Black community. In the 1890s, Jamie Porter Barrett formed the Locust Street Social Settlement in 1890 and went on to found the Virginia State Federation of Colored Women’s Clubs. These organizations established a precedent for future organizations to focus on wealth building strategies for their members.23

LEGACY OF SISTERHOOD: ORDER OF THE TENTS

Original Headquarters of the Order of the Tents Source: Rose, 2000

Early Black giving in Hampton Roads is personified in the Order of the Tents (“The Tents”), one of the oldest Black female Christian organizations. The Tents’ founders were the early Black philanthropists Annetta Lane and Harriet Taylor, formerly enslaved women who served as Underground Railroad conductors. Lane secretly taught herself how to read and write. As a child caretaker and nurse, she was able to move freely, carry messages and provide shelter for the escaped enslaved hidden at her church before they boarded ships headed north. Similar to other Black beneficial societies and business enterprises, The Tents provided burial insurance and mortgages to Black people at a time when these services were otherwise denied them. For a century, The Tents operated a nursing home without outside funding. The Tents was unique among organizations of the time: it was founded as an independent entity, rather than as a female chapter of a male organization, and its membership was open to Black women of all social classes. Throughout its existence, The Tents has been female-owned, operated and directed, providing medical care, housing and scholarships to the Black community. The Tents celebrated its 150th anniversary in 2017.24

Hampton Institute Source: Everett Collection

PAST & PRESENT

BLACK IN BUSINESS Black labor and capital from northern White entrepreneurs resurrected Hampton after the area was burned to the ground by Confederate forces. As most of the White inhabitants fled, Hampton and Yorktown were repopulated by newly freed men and women who purchased land and earned a living to avoid returning to their former slaveholders. Hastily constructed villages housed 40,000 of the formerly enslaved. Some Blacks acquired skills that allowed them to earn extra money and offered less scrutiny from Whites.

BLACK IN BUSINESS Hampton Roads was also revitalized by Black watermen who to this day are critical to the region’s fishing and oystering industries As a maritime hub, Hampton Roads and its waterways represented opportunity and freedom for free and enslaved Blacks. For thousands of years, Native Americans used these waterways as their primary means of transportation. Before the American Revolution, Norfolk served as the nation’s third largest port. As Hampton Roads’ maritime dominance and dependence on tobacco grew, so did the region’s Black population. A deepwater port, Hampton Roads could handle large ships, an economically invaluable feature. By the Civil War, Hampton Roads emerged as a primary transportation and economic center and offered greater employment opportunities. Although relatively few in number and despite political, legal, and economic restrictions, early Black entrepreneurs established successful businesses and provided independent resources to support Black communities. Free Blacks comprised most of these early business owners, although several enslaved or formerly enslaved Blacks established businesses as well. In 1889 Peoples Building and Loan Association was founded in Hampton, the first Black bank in the community. It was headed by Reverend Richard Spiller

and it served the community for 100 years.25 In 1904 Reverend W.B. and Mrs. Anne Weaver founded the Weaver Orphan Home for women and children. From the outset, Black businesses and professionals in Hampton Roads were important to philanthropic efforts. Williamsburg business owner Sam Harris Norfolk Business owner Henry worked tirelessly to support Omohundro reads to his children. Public School No. 2, the city‘s Source: Rose, 2000 school for Black children. Born into slavery, Harris opened a “Cheap Store” in the post-Civil War period and became one of the city’s wealthiest business owners, Black or White. Over three decades, Harris built an empire that included a stable, barber shop, coal and lumber yards, blacksmithery, saloons, and a ship. According to the biographer, Julia Woodbridge Oxrieder, Sam Harris loaned money to the president of The College of William and Mary and entered into a real estate partnership with a judge.26 James A. Fields of Newport News, who with his brother escaped slavery and was considered contraband, sought refuge at Fort Monroe during the Civil War. Fields became a successful realtor, owning 15 properties in Newport News. In 1908, Fields allowed four doctors to use his home as a hospital. For two years, Whitaker Memorial Hospital was the only hospital for Black people in Newport News. In Williamsburg, the Black community formed the Williamsburg School Improvement League in 1906 to purchase books, pay for teachers and provide extra funds for schools for Black children that the city refused to support.27 Blacks in Hampton Roads worked to advance the political interests of the Black community as well as their own. In the 1850s, formerly enslaved brothers Daniel, Robert and Frederick Norton, escaped Virginia and traveled to New York and Massachusetts. They returned to Virginia after the war ended and were elected to the Virginia General Assembly

25 Black lodges were established in Virginia. These groups served as important vehicles for Black philanthropy and other social and political interests.

View looking towards Samuel Harris’ Cheap Store located at the corner of Botetourt and Duke of Gloucester Streets, Williamsburg, Virginia, circa 1900, Elizabeth Coleman Photograph Collection, AV2009.56, image #Cole-38d

Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library, The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

Black philanthropy continued its focus on improving the quality of Black schools by sustaining underfunded and inadequately supplied schools. Black communities pulled together to raise the matching funds to build the Rosenwald schools, a school construction project started across the South by Julius Rosenwald, a co-founder of Sears, Roebuck and Company, and Booker T. Washington. The “separate but equal” doctrine resulted in fewer public resources for Black schools. The Rosenwald Fund pledged a certain amount for school construction; Black communities raised the matching funds, and White school boards oversaw the facilities. To raise money, Black women auctioned off box lunches. Families planted extra acres of cotton, raised additional livestock, and contributed free labor. Black landowners donated land. In Virginia, 381 Rosenwald schools were built, four in Chesapeake.30

during the Reconstruction era in the 1870s. Robert settled in Yorktown and led Lone Star, a fraternal organization. After the Civil War, Daniel testified before Congress about the abuse of Black laborers and unpaid wages for work, arguing the need for a continued federal presence in the South.

CIVIC LIFE FOR CIVIL RIGHTS Political representation mattered: by 1877 more than 60 percent of registered voters in Williamsburg, James City, and York County were Black men, and Republicans dominated politics as a result of their support.28 During the early years of the Jim Crow era, Black civic activity was less outwardly visible, contrasting to the active participation in Reconstruction politics. Booker T. Washington’s appeals to separation of the races and self-help and his emphasis on vocational education resonated with many in the Black community. By the turn of the century, as Hampton Roads’ Black population expanded, Blacks’ political rights decreased. The 1902 Virginia state constitution stripped away the political rights of Black Virginians. In response, Black Hampton Roads used its collective power to resist these restrictions and confront policies that diminished their political rights. By 1930 over

View looking east on Duke of Gloucester Street towards Samuel Harris’ Cheap Store located at the corner of Botetourt and Duke of Gloucester Streets, Williamsburg, Virginia, circa 1900, Elizabeth Coleman Photograph Collection, AV2009.56, image #Cole-040 Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller Jr. Library, The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

PAST & PRESENT

GIVING BLACK AND THINKING AHEAD Black philanthropy continued its focus on improving the quality of Black schools by sustaining underfunded and inadequately supplied schools

Metropolitan Bank & Trust of Norfolk Source: Rose, 2000

The Hampton Roads Black community was politically and socially active during the post-World War II Civil Rights era. Hampton Institute (later University) and civil rights organizations led the charge to desegregate public accommodations in Hampton Roads. Two Supreme Court rulings, the 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education ruling striking down Plessy vs. Ferguson’s “separate but equal” doctrine, and the 1955 “with all deliberate speed” ruling opened a new civil rights battlefront for quality public schools. In Norfolk, fierce White resistance to school integration led to the closing of public schools, which Hampton and Newport News avoided. Both cities chose instead to integrate using the “Freedom of Choice” approach that allowed school boards to approve a student’s request to attend a specific school.

GIVING BLACK AND THINKING AHEAD The gains of the Civil Rights era and the legacy of a philanthropic Black community were visible in more recent years across a range of activities. In politics, Hampton Roads saw the election of Representative Bobby Scott to Congress; Mamie Locke as Hampton’s first Black female mayor; Johnnie E. Mizelle as Suffolk’s first Black mayor; and election of L. Douglas Wilder as both the state’s first Black Lt. Governor (1986-1990) and then Governor (1990-1994).

In the arts, Hampton Roads is the birthplace and hometown of a number of musical icons. From the blues and jazz giants Pearl Bailey, Ruth Brown and Ella Fitzgerald to the contemporary artists Teddy Riley, Missy Elliott, Timbaland and Pharrell Williams, the region’s musical legacy is impressive. Less well known, however, is the generosity of these musical artists in Hampton Roads and beyond. Singer and philanthropist Ruth Brown founded the nonprofit Rhythm & Blues Foundation to help new and older R&B musicians fight for their rights to receive royalties. Brown used her settlement from Atlantic Records to finance her nonprofit.31 Both Pearl Bailey and Ella Fitzgerald were involved in charitable causes. In 1993, three years before her passing, Ella Fitzgerald founded the Ella Fitzgerald Charitable Foundation to improve the lives of disadvantaged children of all races. Her foundation fosters reading, the love of music, assisting music students, providing health and dental care, and funding medical research.32 Producer Teddy Riley was known for his generosity in Hampton Roads, holding Thanksgiving dinners, sponsoring talent shows and supporting a summer basketball tournament.33 Artist and philanthropist Missy Elliott is involved in numerous causes that benefit Black communities, promoting AIDS awareness and supporting HIV/AIDS research. Similarly, Ella Fitzgerald Source: Public Domain producer Timothy “Timbaland” Mosley focuses his support on the HIV/AIDS crisis and assisting Malawian orphans.34

The artist, producer and entrepreneur, Pharrell Williams, recently launched Black Ambition, a nonprofit organization that awards competitive funding, mentorship and investment opportunities to recent Black/Latinx HBCU (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) graduates who are building tech, design, healthcare, and/or consumer products or services. Through another recently launched nonprofit, Yellow, Williams is supporting elementary school age education. Yellow plans to open a school for low-income students in Norfolk for children in grades three through five.35

GOING FORWARD From the slavery era to today, philanthropy has been an essential part of life in the Black communities of Hampton Roads. Nationally, wealthy Black donors are more likely than non-Black donors to support Black causes and donate to groups with a race relations focus. Across the country, Black Americans devote a higher percentage of their discretionary income to charitable giving than other racial groups.36 Churches, social organizations, and beneficial and secret societies provide the foundation for the rich philanthropic tradition in Hampton Roads. Early practices in Black giving resonate and remain relevant in Hampton Roads today. The Black church, especially, is still central to Black giving. In a survey of Black residents of Hampton Roads, most donors reported attending church regularly, including most Generation Z and Millennial survey respondents. Churches were ranked as the top recipient of donations. Many interviewees associate their earliest memories of philanthropy with the Black church. Dr. Tyrone Freeman, an expert on Black philanthropy, notes the church is still central to the landscape of Black giving, and church programming dollars “are frequently redistributed into the community to support education, housing, or soup kitchens or to assist youth.” 37 During the Civil Rights era, Black churches were hubs for collective action by Black communities. That legacy of activism has been reenergized by newer organizations and movements. The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement refocused attention on police violence and racial inequities. Black Lives Matter 757, Hampton Roads’ local BLM chapter, has catalyzed a younger generation of activists in confront-

ing police violence and racial inequities. The work for racial equity and justice reflects the early practices of Blacks in Hampton Roads, who used their time, talent and resources, to obtain freedom and opportunity for their communities. The pattern of giving in Black communities today reflects new practices that employ internet-based giving especially among younger Black donors. Their giving is more likely to be channeled through platforms, such as GoFundMe and Facebook, and mobile apps that bypass traditional forms of giving. Nationally, mass online fundraising appeals raised $16.2 billion in 2014, a 167 percent increase from 2013. Nearly half of Millennial donors supported or were likely to support a crowdfunding campaign, compared to one-third of Generation X, 13 percent of Baby Boomers and 4 percent of older donors.38 Giving circles, such as Visionaries for Change, and donoradvised funds also reflect the contemporary landscape of Black giving. Although the pooling of Black resources to fund a collective purpose has been a longstanding Black philanthropic practice, giving circles and donor-advised funds have significantly increased over the past two decades.

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

THE ESSENCE OF OUR BEING

BLACK HAMPTON ROADS For the Giving Black®: Hampton Roads study, all survey respondents, focus group participants and interviewees were located in Virginia. Black donors’ views reflect a thoughtful, vibrant donor community, which serves as a key asset for the region. Survey respondents discussed the meaning of philanthropy in the Black community, philanthropy’s shortcomings and its transformative potential. Asked to define philanthropy, Black donors mentioned White philanthropists like Bill Gates or “someone who was extremely rich” and that philanthropy is “something that other people…that White people do.” One donor noted, “My sense is that ordinary citizens view philanthropy as something outside of his or her reach… something that the very wealthy do. They don’t think of what they do ordinarily in terms of being philanthropic.” Respondents held a broad view of philanthropy. Several donors noted the importance of intent, saying “if it’s something that’s coerced or must be done, then it does not feel so much like philanthropy” and “philanthropy comes more so from a place of compassion.” One donor emphasized that philanthropy is a holistic endeavor and another viewed philanthro-

py as an expression of faith, adding, “God has blessed me in order to be a blessing to others.” Some donors shared that they knew of individuals who are philanthropists for the tax breaks or to impress others. One donor insisted, “some people prance around and declare themselves to be a philanthropist, and some have some money and some do not.” Respondents described the ways in which Black giving is “discounted,” particularly in reference to volunteer activities. As one donor bluntly stated, “I consider myself a philanthropist now and I don’t have their (wealthy philanthropists) kind of money.” Donors found the discounting frustrating, as volunteering is a key Black philanthropic practice. One donor suggested, “you are not going to find a whole lot of Black people who are going to be financially able to give money but they may be very able to provide service.” Another added, “you don’t measure a woman or man just by how big a check is; you measure them by their ability to provide the service to address the need, regardless of where the money comes from.”

BLACK HAMPTON ROADS Hampton Roads has an abundance of assets: a favorable geographic location, a government hub, a substantial military presence, world-class universities and a vibrant cultural scene, anchored by the region’s historical significance. A region of 1.73 million, Hampton Roads encompasses seven different counties and ten independent cities. The region’s geography suggests there is not a single “Hampton Roads Black community” but multiple Black communities within Hampton Roads. As one donor stated, “Hampton Roads has an identity crisis; we are a number of smaller cities and counties making up a fairly large region, but there’s no one identity that defines us.” Hampton Roads has been central to our nation’s history. It was here that President Abraham Lincoln unsuccessfully negotiated with Confederate forces to end the Civil War. The region’s deepwater ports have long ensured its regional prominence as a transportation and economic hub. Hampton Roads serves as headquarters to four Fortune 500 corporations. Its key industries include the federal government, with a strong military presence, health care and social assistance services, retail trade, local government and manufacturing. With eleven four-year and community colleges, Hampton Roads is also an education hub. Hampton Roads is racially and ethnically diverse. In 2021, Blacks comprise 31% of the population in the Greater Hampton Roads Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA).39 The median household income in the Greater Hampton Roads MSA is $72,471; the median income of Black households in the same MSA is $51,882.40 The Hampton Roads Chamber of Commerce defines Hampton Roads as the following: the independent cities of Chesapeake, Franklin, Hampton, Newport News, Norfolk, Poquoson, Portsmouth, Suffolk, Virginia Beach and Williamsburg, and the counties of Gloucester, Isle of Wight, James City, Matthews, Southampton, Surry and York. Hampton Roads’ strong military presence significantly shapes the region and its economic development. Active duty and civilian personnel of the Department of Defense comprise 9% (150,000) of the region’s 1.6 million inhabitants. Also, according to the 2018 Census data, the region is home to

205,400 military veterans. 41 Together, active, civilian and military veterans’ represent slightly over one-fifth (22%) of the region’s population. Several major military units are headquartered in Hampton Roads, including NATO’s Allied Command Transportation, U.S. Joint Forces Command, U.S. Air Force Combat unit, U.S. Marine Corps Forces Command and the U.S. Fleet Forces Command. The region also houses the largest naval base in the world. Defense spending accounts for nearly half (46%) of the region’s economic activity.42 Nearly all survey respondents reported zip codes in Hampton Roads. The majority of survey respondents (62%) reported zip codes in the Hampton Roads locales of Chesapeake, Virginia Beach or Norfolk, but respondents were distributed across eleven Hampton Roads localities.

RESPONDENTS DISTRIBUTED ACROSS VARIOUS HAMPTON ROADS LOCALITIES Chesapeake Hampton Isle of Wight Newport News Norfolk Portsmouth Southampton Suffolk Virginia Beach Williamsburg York

THE ESSENCE OF OUR BEING

DONOR PROFILES The demographics of survey respondents’ eleven localities vary. As mentioned earlier, Blacks represent 31% of the Greater Hampton Roads MSA population. Six of the eleven localities had a higher percentage of Black residents than in LOCALE

the Greater Hampton Roads MSA. The median income for the Black population in Hampton Roads ranged from $35,736 in Norfolk to $68,627 in Chesapeake.43

TOTAL POPULATION

TOTAL BLACK

PERCENT BLACK

BLACK MEDIAN INCOME

UNEMPLOYMENT RATE

MEDIAN AGE

1,743,485

539,719

31%

$51,882

5.2%

Chesapeake

248,368

75,214

30%

$68,627

4.1%

Hampton

134,581

68,487

51%

$52,624

6.4%

Isle of Wight

37,605

8,548

23%

$48,828

7.7%

Newport News

179,643

75,755

42%

$41,078

4.2%

Norfolk

242,982

100,551

41%

$35,736

7.4%

Portsmouth

94,149

51,107

54%

$39,951

6.5%

Southampton

17,564

5,954

34%

$41,095

4.2%

Suffolk

93,999

39,368

42%

$59,228

7.0%

Virginia Beach

451,719

89,630

20%

$65,118

4.1%

Williamsburg

15,045

2,384

16%

$63,210

7.3%

York

69,076

9,335

14%

$68,427

5.6%

Greater Hampton Roads MSA

Source: Unemployment and population data were updated in January 2021 and retrieved from the Conduent Healthy Communities Institute. Community Indicators Dashboard, Hampton Roads. www.ghrconnects.org/demographicdata?id=2991)

GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION OF SURVEY RESPONDENTS

DONOR PROFILES Hampton Roads survey respondents were primarily longtime Hampton Roads residents; well-educated, mid- to upperincome Black women who were employed full-time and married or in domestic partnerships. Survey respondents were distributed across eleven localities in Hampton Roads. Almost 90% of respondents reported living in Hampton Roads for ten years or more. Nearly all survey respondents (96%) self-reported an exclusively Black or African-American racial identity, with the remaining respondents reporting a bi-racial or multi-racial identity with an African-American or Black descent.

Gender

GENDER 2% LGBTQIA+

26% Male

72% Female

Which of the following describes your race or ethnicity? (Check all that apply) Survey respondents were primarily longtime Hampton RACE Women represented over 70% of all survey respondents, most Roads residents; of whom (61%) were married or in a domestic partnership. well-educated, By comparison, nearly half (49%) of all Greater Hampton Roads MSA residents reported being married. mid- to upperThere was a higher percentage of Black female survey income Black respondents (72%) compared to the MSA, where Black women who were females represented slightly over half (53%) of the population. employed full-time and married or in domestic partnerships.

Black or African American

American Indian or Alaska Native

Asian or Asian American

Hispanic, Latinx or Spanish

Middle Eastern or North Africa

Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander

White or European American

Other (please identify):

Percentage

THE ESSENCE OF OUR BEING

DONOR PROFILES MARITAL STATUS

HAMPTON ROADS RESIDENCY

Most respondents (61%) were married or in a domestic partnership. By comparison, nearly half (49%) of MSA’s residents reported being married.

Nearly all survey respondents (88%) lived in Hampton Roads for at least ten years or more.

Marital Status

2% Separated

< 1 year

4% Widowed 12% Divorced

22% Single

100

1-3 years

3-5 years

5- 10 years

61% Married or in a domestic partnership

10+ years

3838

EMPLOYMENT Most respondents reported being employed full-time; almost 40% reported being self-employed, part-time and/or retired. Homemakers, full-time students and those unable to work reflected 2% of survey respondents. Unemployed survey respondents (both those looking and not currently looking for work) comprised 1%. Although Black female donors comprised nearly three-quarters of respondents, none reported being employed as homemakers.

58% 58%

16%

15%

Employed F/T (40+ hrs/week)

SelfEmployed

Retired

Employed P/T (<40 hrs/week)

Full-Time Student

Unemployed, looking for work

Unable to work

39 39

THE ESSENCE OF OUR BEING

DONOR PROFILES MILITARY SERVICE Thirteen percent of respondents did report current or previous military service. By comparison, Hampton Roads active, civilian and veteran military personnel number 355,400. It is estimated that Blacks make up 31% of military personnel (110,174), which mirrors their percentage in Hampton Roads. Military personnel (active, civilian and veteran) represent nearly one-quarter (22%) of the region’s population; Black military personnel represent an estimated 7% of the region’s population.

13% Yes

87% No

HOUSEHOLD INCOME

IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON HOUSEHOLD INCOME Blacks make up 30% of Hampton Roads, but accounted for half of COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations. Also, due to the higher incidences of diabetes, hypertension and obesity pre-pandemic, Blacks were more likely to die from COVID-19. Existing racial disparities in the health system also meant Blacks were less likely to have access to COVID-19 testing. At the same time, Black businesses more acutely felt the pandemic’s economic brunt. According to one national study, half of Black businesses across the U.S. closed within two months of the onset of the pandemic.

Nearly two-thirds of respondents were middle or upper income (63%), reporting an annual household income above $80,000 compared to the Greater Hampton Roads MSA report of Black median household income of $64,879 in January 2021. 15% of respondents were classified as highnet-worth individuals.44

In Hampton Roads, the region’s hospitality, retail and tourism industries employed significant numbers of Blacks, who lost their jobs. The pandemic managed to halt the region’s economic growth. However, our Black donor respondents fared relatively well economically during the pandemic. Most Black donor respondents (69%) reported their income remained the same throughout the pandemic, with some (16%) reporting a rise in their household income.

26% 69%

19%

11%

18%

10%

<$40,000 $40,001 $80,000 $120,000 $160,000 $200,000 $250,000 < $40,000 $40,001$80,000$120,000$160,000$200,000 $250,000 $79,999 $19,999 $159,999 $199,999 - $249,999 or more -$79,999 -$119,999 -$159,999 -$199,999 -$249,999

16%

More More

16%

About Same About the the Same

Less Less

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

A NEW RISING TIDE

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

A NEW RISING TIDE AGE

EDUCATION LEVELS Black donor respondents were very well educated, with two-thirds earning either a bachelor’s or master’s degree, and 84% earning either a bachelor’s, master’s or advanced degree. Only 1% of respondents reported earning less than a high school degree. Two-thirds of survey respondents were connected to HBCUs either as students and/or with family members who were current or former students and/or employees.

3% 3% Gen Z Silent Generation

19% Millennials 35% Baby Boomers

35% 32%

39% Gen X

Two-thirds of respondents (67%) reported earning a Bachelor’s or Master’s degree

17%

7% 5%

Less than High school a high school degree or degree GED

Some college but no degree

Associate’s degree

Trade School

Bachelor’s Professional degree degree

Master’s degree

RELIGION Church attendance is significant in the lives of the respondents. Despite COVID-19, most survey respondents worshipped regularly, either in person or online. Two-thirds reported attending religious services at least once a month. Nearly half of Black donors reported attending religious

services at least weekly. Hampton Roads Black churches played a pivotal role in ensuring Black residents had equitable access to the COVID-19 vaccination. Black pastors used the pulpit to persuade and encourage their parishioners to take the vaccine.

CHURCH ATTENDANCE

14%

7% 5%

22% 45%

4+ times / month 2-4 times / month None 1-2 times every 3 months 1-2 times / year Once / month

A NEW RISING TIDE

OUR COMMUNITY, OUR JUSTICE In interviews, focus groups and the online survey, economic opportunity was top of mind for Black donor respondents. Recent statistics are sobering: in 2018, 98,900 Black people lived in poverty in the Greater Hampton Roads MSA.45 One donor shared, “for me, poverty – it all seems to start there,” when asked to identify the top issues of Hampton Roads’ Black community. As one donor added, “economic development is the most important aspect facing the Black community. There is a need for institutions that help African Americans from the cradle to the grave.” Several respondents commented on the difficulty of selecting only one issue as paramount for Black residents of Hampton Roads. One respondent captured the sentiments of many others: “It is hard to determine what is most important...[it is] the lack of equitable opportunities as well as the prevalent racism.” This view was shared by another donor who stated, “it is extremely challenging to isolate the most important issue facing Black people in Hampton Roads when there are several that are impactful and should be acknowledged.” Racial discrimination, racial inequities and White supremacy followed economic opportunity as the next most important set of issues.

“

Essentially, Black people in Hampton Roads who do not hold influence are more likely to be affected negatively by systematic racism.

”

A donor stated succinctly, “Racism is still a major problem in Hampton Roads.” Another shared, “The biggest issue is systematic racism which plays a role in everything from the judicial system, employment, health care and housing. Essentially, Black people in Hampton Roads who do not hold influence are more likely to be affected negatively by systematic racism.” Other donors echoed the key role racism played in preventing Hampton Roads’ Black residents from succeeding. Some respondents describe White supremacy as the root cause of challenges facing the Black community. One respondent stated that the crux of the problem is “White supremacy, White people attempting to remain in control of politics, economics, and policing.”

OUR COMMUNITY, OUR JUSTICE Regardless of gender, educational status or location, respondents identified economic stability/wealth building as the top issue for the Black community, followed closely by social justice/racial equity, education and health and wellness. Some respondents pointed to the economic status of the Black community relative to other racial and ethnic groups. A respondent noted that “we seem not to be as successful as White counterparts or other counterparts,” while mentioning examples of historical racial discrimination that blocked economic opportunity for Black wealth building.

ECONOMIC EQUITY

26%

24%

SOCIAL JUSTICE / RACIAL EQUITY

EDUCATION

19%

HEALTH AND WELLNESS

14%

LEADERSHIP

COVID-19

LEADERSHIP

The following issues received less than 1%: Arts and Culture, Environment, LGBTQIA+ and Other

A NEW RISING TIDE

OPPORTUNITY FOR ALL ISSUES RECEIVING INSUFFICIENT ATTENTION IN HAMPTON ROADS Respondents indicated that the most important issue for the Black community in Hampton Roads, economic stability/ wealth building, is also the most overlooked. Social justice/ racial equity ranked second among the issues receiving insufficient attention, followed by education. Many respondents believe that the fifth most important issue in Hampton Roads, COVID-19, was being adequately addressed.

21%

ECONOMIC STABILITY / WEALTH BUILDING

18%

SOCIAL JUSTICE / RACIAL EQUITY

14%

EDUCATION

HEALTH AND WELLNESS

14%

12%

LEADERSHIP

ENVIRONMENT

18%

10%

12%

The following issues combined received 11%: Arts and Culture (4%), Covid-19 (3%), LGBTQIA+ (3%) and Other (1%)

OPPORTUNITY FOR ALL Although the region enjoys high levels of economic stability, some Black donors focused on the plight of Black people who were less economically successful. One donor stated that Black people had to “make sure that people had some form of income to be able to provide for themselves, as well as a place for them to sleep and have enough to eat.” Other donors mentioned the historical challenge of achieving economic stability, in that “we’re always struggling with economic opportunity for Black folks.” Respondents described examples of historical and systemic racism such as beachfront property stolen by Whites from Virginia Beach’s Black residents. The donors’ differing views about economic opportunity are reflected in the respondents’ income levels. As incomes rose, so did optimism about Hampton Roads’ economy. Lowerincome donors (<$80,000) had less optimistic views of Hampton Roads’ economy while higher income donors ($160,000 and above) were more optimistic. An interesting exception is reflected in the views of Hampton Roads’ highest income Black donors ($250,000 or more) who were the least optimistic about Hampton Roads’ economy.

Respondents differed about the extent to which Hampton Roads is a place of economic opportunity for Black residents: 26% Disagree 3% Strongly Disagree

30% Undecided

35% Agree 6% Strongly Agree

ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY BY INCOME

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING Donors surveyed were divided in their views as to whether social organizations and initiatives in Hampton Roads had improved Black lives over the past five years. Respondents strongly agreed that their donation dollars should be directed towards Black-led organizations and organizations that exclusively focus on Black social issues. One donor offered, “I had to put my money where my mouth was.”

VOLUNTEER ACTIVITIES

15%

VOLUNTEERING

18%

In the past 24 months, did you volunteer your time?

15% 15%

89% Yes

11% No

Black donors in Hampton Roads gave generously of their time. In the two years preceding the survey, nearly 9 out of 10 Black donors reported volunteering. In discussing the meaning of philanthropy, respondents emphasized the importance of volunteering. As one donor suggested, “It (philanthropy) does not necessarily have to be monetary; it could be giving up your time.” Black donors noted that traditional definitions of philanthropy undervalue volunteering but emphasized volunteering allowed people from different walks of life to give back. One donor believed that “(You) were not going to find a whole lot of Black people who are going to be financially able to give money, but they may be very able to provide services.”

VOLUNTEER ACTIVITIES Respondents described volunteer activities that included fundraising, mentoring, serving on boards, and donating and collecting clothes and household items. An interviewee captured Black donor sentiments by noting, “you do not measure a woman or man just by how big a check they can write… You measure them by their ability to provide the service to address the need, regardless of where the money comes from.” Three-quarters of Black donors reported volunteering in both Black and non-Black communities.

14%

12%

Give Time Provide Guidance & Leadership

Other

Collect/Donate Household Collecting/donating clothing and household items Raising funds

Items & Clothing

Raise Funds

Providing pro bono services

Mentoring, teaching tutoring Serveoron a Board Providing guidance and leadership Giving time

Provide Pro Bono Services

Serve on a Board (corporate, nonprofit, church) Mentor / Tutor

Other

In which communities do you volunteer your time? 23%

75%

In the Black community only In both Black and non-Black communities In non-Black communities only

DISCRETIONARY GIVING Although respondents emphasized the value of volunteering, they also donated financially. Nearly all (99%) of respondents reported discretionary giving over the past 12 months. Nearly one-third of donors reported total donations in the $1,001 and $5,000 range, with 30% reporting contributions of $5,000 or above. By contrast, only 1% of survey respondents reported no contributions during the past year.

In the past 12 months, how much money did you give overall to causes and organizations?

$1-500

$501-$1,000

$1,001-$5,000

$5,001-$10,000

$10,001-$25,000

$25,001-$50,000

$50,000+ In the past 12 months, I did not give money to organizations

LEVELS OF DISCRETIONARY GIVING BY INCOME Not surprisingly, the amount of donations correlated with household income levels. Most donations ranged between $1,001-$5,000. For the highest-income Black donor, donations ranged between $25,001-$50,000, with 25% of high-income donors reporting donations at this level. For the lowest-income Black donor, donations in the range of $1-$500 were the most common.

ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME

MOST PERCENT COMMON OF INCOME DONATION SIZE BRACKET TO DONATE IN THIS RANGE

Less than $40,000

$1-$500

64%

$40,000$79,000

$1,001-$5,000

37%

$80,000$119,999

$1,001-$5,000

34%

$120,000$159,999

$1,001-$5,000

34%

$160,000$199,999

$1,001-$5,000

33%

$200,000$249,999

$1,001-$5,000

50%

$250,000 or more

$25,001-$50,000

25%

Several Black donors mentioned the need to give back to their communities. One donor shared, “I am not a big giver, but I understand the importance, that it is not how much you give but that you give. I always felt it was important to give Black in my own life and that’s where my giving has been focused.”

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING IMPORTANCE OF DIRECTING DONATIONS TO BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS BY INCOME

Hampton Roads Black donors are keenly aware of the region’s racial dynamics. One donor cited a recent newspaper article that highlighted the region’s entrenched racial segregation. For survey respondents racial issues remain front and center in their attitudes toward philanthropy. In ranking racism and racial justice as a key priority for the region’s Black community, second only to economic stability/wealth building, donors noted that both priorities are closely intertwined. Although most donors shared similar views on several issues related to giving and race, the intensity of sentiment varied across income and age.

Over two-thirds of higher-income Black donors agree on the importance of their donation dollars to Black-led organizations. As their income rises, their intensity of support falls (89% of the lowest-income Black donors versus 66% of the highest income Black donors). Even with this difference, two-thirds of higher-income Black donors support the idea of donations to Black-led organizations.

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS BY INCOME

Nearly four out of five respondents strongly or somewhat believe in the importance of directing their donation dollars to Black-led organizations, with 60% indicating it is very important. Less than 5% of donors believed directing their donation dollars to Black-led groups was less or not at all important. The activism following the murder of George Floyd and other high-profile cases spurred the influx of monies to Black-led organizations, reaching a peak during summer 2020, but tapering significantly for several Black-led organizations in the ensuing months.

1% Not At All Important

17%

19%

3% Less Important

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS

60%

Important

Somewhat Important

Very Important

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO ORGANIZATIONS THAT EXCLUSIVELY FOCUS ON BLACK SOCIAL ISSUES Most respondents (58%) also strongly support directing their donation dollars to organizations that focus on Black social issues including White-led nonprofits that mostly serve Black communities. Most Black donors (58%) support giving their donations to Black-serving nonprofits, regardless of the racial leadership of the organization. However, Black donor support is less intense for organizations that are not Blackled: 79% versus 58%.

Survey findings reflect the importance donors place on seeing Black interests reflected in an organization’s programming and leadership.

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO BLACK-SERVING ORGANIZATIONS BY INCOME Nearly half of high-net-worth Black donors strongly support donations to organizations that solely focus on Black issues. However, the intensity of their support is less than that of lower-income Black donors. Three-quarters of the lowestincome Black donors view their donations to these organizations as very/somewhat important, compared to 45% of the highest income Black donors. One donor insisted, “you [have to] support the nonprofits because they are so important in helping us solve many of these problems.” BLACK DONORS ON IMPROVING THE QUALITY OF BLACK LIVES 4% 3% Strongly Strongly Agree Disagree

For example, six out of ten Black donors would strongly support making donations to a White-led nonprofit focused on serving Black students. Black donor support increased to eight out of ten if that same organization is Black-led. Donors believe it is critical to improve the pipeline of Black nonprofit leadership. As one donor bluntly stated, “There is a leadership challenge.” Black leaders are not being groomed and afforded opportunities for leadership and often lack access to networks, mentoring and other resources to ensure their success.

19% Disagree 36% Agree 38% Undecided

IMPORTANCE OF DONATIONS TO ORGANIZATIONS WITH AN EXCLUSIVE FOCUSES ON BLACK ISSUES

18% Less Important 1% Not Important

23% Important

30% Somewhat Important

28% Very Important

Lower-income donors were more optimistic than higherincome donors that nonprofits and local organizations had improved Black lives over the past five years. An exception is the highest-income donors ($250,000 or more) who were nearly as optimistic about improved Black lives as the lowest-income Black donors.

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING

“

In terms of long-term outcomes, I invest my money in organizations that I feel strongly can really move the needle.

”

ACCESSIBILITY OF INFORMATION ABOUT BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS

28%

41%

Respondents described a strategic approach to their investing, noting that they supported organizations that demonstrate impact. One donor said, “in terms of long-term outcomes, I invest my money in organizations that I feel strongly can really move the needle.” They mentioned that “different nonprofits really strengthen the entire community.” Donors described their views about specific local organiza tions, including the Hampton Roads Community Foundation. Several commended the Foundation’s COVID-19 efforts and its recent programming targeting Black communities.

21%

Not Accessible at All

Accessible

Very Accessible

Somewhat Accessible

Less Accessible

ACCESSIBILITY OF INFORMATION ON BLACK-LED ORGANIZATIONS BY AGE OF RESPONDENTS Nearly half of respondents (47%) believe information on Black-led organizations is less accessible, while one-third believe information is more accessible. More younger donors report that information about Black-led organizations is inaccessible. One study found that Black-led organizations had 45% less revenue and 91% fewer unrestricted net assets than White-led organizations.46

Less funding could undermine an organization’s marketing and communication capabilities. Another study concluded that Black communities were underfunded by community foundations, receiving 1% of community foundation funding, while representing 15% of the population. A recent Facebook award of $1 million to the Hampton Roads Community Foundation to seed the Black Community Partnership Fund addresses this issue. The Foundation recently distributed grants to 30 Black-led local organizations that primarily served Black communities. 47

How accessible is information on Black-led organizations in Hampton Roads? AGE

(1927-1945) SILENT GENERATION

(1946-1964) BABY BOOMERS

(1965-1980) GENERATION X

(1981-1994) MILLENNIALS

(1995+) GENERATION Z

Not at all Accessible/ Less Accessible

40%

51%

49%

60%

Accessible

30%

21%

17%

24%

20%

Very Accessible/ Somewhat Accessible

30%

40%

31%

28%

21%

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING SOURCES OF INFORMATION

FREQUENCY OF ONLINE GIVING

Black survey respondents identified websites as their primary source of information followed by television and social media. A 2020 Pew survey found that Blacks, especially those under 50, were more likely than other racial and ethnic groups to use social media to engage in political activism.48 Half of Blacks under 50 used social media as a source of information on nearby rallies and protests, compared to one-third of Blacks 50 and older. Similarly, slightly over half (52%) of younger Blacks used social media to persuade others to take political action, compared to slightly over a third (36%) of older Blacks. Although nearly seven out of ten donors rely on social media for information, a national study found that Black donors were less likely than non-Black donors (19% vs. 31%) to have given online.49 Survey respondents were more likely than other donors to engage in spontaneous giving, such as giving at a checkout counter or giving to canvassers on the street. The donors surveyed in Hampton Roads often or always gave online (38%) while others used online giving only occasionally or never (42%). SOURCES OF INFORMATION

81%

Websites

72%

Television

Social Media (ex. Facebook)

68%

Community Sources (ex. neighbors) Newspapers

Radio

54% 50% 46%

10% 20%

28% 20%

22%

Often

Never

Occasionally

Always

Sometimes

FREQUENCY OF ONLINE GIVING BY AGE Younger Hampton Roads Black donors tend to use online giving platforms more than older donors. One exception, however, is Generation Z, the youngest group of Black donors, who reported never or only occasionally using online sources for giving (70%).

In the past 12 months, which local civil rights and/or social justice organizations did you give money to?

DONATIONS TO BLACK CORNERSTONE ORGANIZATIONS The renewed activism fueled by the murder of George Floyd and other victims of police violence galvanized a younger generation of Black donors. Social justice and racial equity issues elevated and highlighted the leadership of a younger generation of Black donors. Throughout Hampton Roads’ history, the longstanding struggle for social and racial justice was central. Given this context, one might expect Black donors to use civil rights and social justice organizations, which we identify as cornerstone organizations, as their primary donation destinations, yet the survey revealed otherwise. During this period of social, racial and economic unrest, Black Lives Matter was added to our list of Black cornerstone organizations because of its broad mission and work toward the betterment of Black people.

18% 40% 3%

14% 16%

Urban League

Negro Council of Women

Other

NAACP (local branches)

None

Black Lives Matter 757

In the past 12 months, how often did you use online resources (ex. GoFundMe, PayPal) for your personal giving? AGE

(1927-1945) SILENT GENERATION

(1946-1964) BABY BOOMERS

(1965-1980) GENERATION X

(1981-1994) MILLENNIALS

(1995+) GENERATION Z

Never/Occasionally

70%

50%

33%

28%

70%

Sometimes

20%

23%

21%

10%

Always/Often

10%

30%

45%

51%

20%

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING Of the listed Black Cornerstone organizations, the NAACP (local branches) fared best, as nearly one-fifth of Black donors reported donations. In speaking of the NAACP’s relevance, one donor added, “you know if you get into trouble the first call you make is to the NAACP.” The “other” category and Urban League round out the top 3 listed Black Cornerstone options.

be an unexpected survey finding: Black donors ranked social justice/racial equity as one of the top two social issues, but 40% of donors did not report financially contributing to a Black Cornerstone nor any other organization over the past year. Donor intent (valuing social justice and racial equity as priorities) seems to differ from donor behavior as related to their financial contributions.

Interestingly, 40% of Black donors did not report any of the listed Black Cornerstone or other organizations as a donation destination over the past twelve months. This may

The respondents offered a list of organizations and causes to which they contribute. The entities on this list represent a variety of local and national organizations and causes.

BLACK DONORS’ ADDITIONAL DONATION DESTINATIONS 100 Black Men of Virginia Peninsula All Together Williamsburg Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity Black Lives Matter – National Black Systemic Equity Project Inc. Building Capacity for Leaders of Color Buffalow Family and Friends Community Days Communities in Schools Daniel’s Blessing Disabled American Veterans Cancer Fund Equal Justice Initiative Freedom Schools of Norfolk Hampton Roads Black Caucus Hampton Roads Committee of 200+ Men Inc. Hampton Roads Community Action Program Hampton Roads Human Trafficking Task Force Hope Foundation Inc. Let’s Make a Difference, Inc. Marijuana Justice National Association of Negro Business and Professional Women’s Clubs

National Coalition of 100 Black Women (NCBW) National Trust for Historical Preservation Norfolk State University Original Black Panthers of VA Portsmouth Volunteers for the Homeless The Urban Renewal Center/Renaissance Movement United Negro College Fund Virginia African American Cultural Center Virginia Center for Inclusive Communities Vision Driven 757 Visionaries for Change giving circle YOURS Ministry YWCA Additional causes/topics/organizations Black-led nonprofits Grassroots organizers HBCUs Local churches Political campaigns Private charities Sickle cell Sororities

DONATIONS TO BLACK CORNERSTONE AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS BY AGE OF RESPONDENTS In the past 12 months, which local civil rights and/or social justice organizations did you give money to? ORGANIZATION

(1927-1945) SILENT GENERATION

(1946-1964) BABY BOOMERS

(1965-1980) GENERATION X

(1981-1994) MILLENNIALS

(1995+) GENERATION Z

Black Lives Matter 757

10%

20%

NAACP

20%

29%

18%

20%

National Council of Negro Women

Urban League

10%

19%

13%

15%

10%

Other

30%

21%

18%

16%

None

50%

41%

50%

48%

40%

The NAACP received the most support from Baby Boomers while Millennials provided the least (8%). One-third of the oldest Black donors (Silent Generation) identified “other” as a donation destination, the highest across all age cohorts.

Generation Z donors (20%) report the highest support of Black Lives Matter 757, more than double the support of Generation X (10%). At least 40% of each age cohort listed “none of the above.”

DONATIONS TO BLACK CORNERSTONE AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS BY INCOME ORGANIZATION

INCOME 50 LOW (LESS THAN $80,000)

MIDDLE ($80,000$199,999)

HIGH ($200,000 OR MORE)

Black Lives Matter 757

13%

NAACP

13%

26%

23%

National Council of Negro Women

Urban League

17%

23%

Other

20%

31%

None

51%

41%

50%

Moderate-income Black donors were the least likely across the three income categories to report the NAACP as a donation destination. Their lower support of the NAACP differs from previous Giving Black® cities studies where lower-income Black donors were the most likely to support

the NAACP. Also, lower-income Black donors were more likely to report Black Lives Matter 757 as a donation destination, more than twice the support of middle-income donors (5%) and nearly twice that of higher-income donors (8%).

OUR COMMUNITY: OUR STRENGTH

GIVING BLACK VS. BLACK GIVING DONATIONS TO BLACK CORNERSTONE ORGANIZATIONS Donations were larger for organizations Black donors identified in the ”other” category. For most Black Cornerstone organizations, eight out of ten donations ranged between $1 and $500 over the past twelve months. For Black Lives Matter Black Lives Matter 757, nine out of ten donations were between $1 and $500. 757

Black LivesNAACP Matter 757

94%

NAACP Nat’l Council of Negro Women

84%

Nat’l Council Urban Women League of Negro

73%

27%

Urban League Other

81%

10%

45%

Other

However, for organizations Black donors identified as “other” only five out of ten donations were between $1 and $500; nearly one-third were between $1,001 and $5,000 and 8% of donations were over $5,000.

13%

18%

28%

2% 2%

5% 3%

$1-$500

$501-$1,000

$1,001-$5,000

$5,001-$10,000

$10,001-$25,000

$1-$500

$501-$1,000

$1,001-$5,000

$5,001-$10,000

$10,001-$25,000

RANKING OF ORGANIZATIONS THAT BLACK DONORS MOST FINANCIALLY SUPPORT The survey asked Black donors to identify other organizations they support through their personal giving. Donors ranked predominantly Black churches first among the charitable organizations they support through their personal giving, followed by Black-led nonprofits focused on social or economic issues, with HBCUs ranked third. Black civil rights and social justice organizations, which includes Black Cornerstone organizations, ranked fifth. Interestingly, predominantly White/multiracial-led charities like the Unit-

ed Way (#6) ranked slightly higher than other Black organizations, such as Black fraternities/sororities (#7) and Black social/civic clubs, like Jack & Jill (#11). Black philanthropy is also evident in sports. Last year Hampton Roads Community Foundation’s Black Philanthropy Month celebrated athletes who established foundations to help youth in the community.

Black donors’ ranking of organizations they financially support through personal giving

Donor rankings of causes they financially support

Predominantly Black Churches – 25%

Church/Religious Organizations – 20%

Black Nonprofits Focused on Social or Economic Issues – 14.8%

Education – 17%

Tie: Family and Friends in Need – 12%

Tie: Social Justice/Racial Equity – 12%

Direct Service Agencies – 10%

Economic Stability/Wealth Building – 9%

Health & Wellness – 7%

Political Elections – 4%

Advocacy or Political Research – 2%

Arts & Culture – 2%

COVID-19 Awareness, Education & Testing – 2%

Other – 2%

Environment – 1%

LGBTQIA+ – .30%

HBCUs – 10.2%

Black Nonprofits Focused on Educational Issues (ex. UNCF) – 9.2%

Black Civil Rights & Social Justice Organizations – 8.6%

Predominantly White/Multiracial-Led Charities (United Way) – 7.7%

Black fraternities/Sororities – 7.2%

Tie: Predominantly White/Multiracial Churches – 4.9%

Tie: Black Political Campaigns – 4.9%

Other – 4.8%

Black Social/Civic Clubs (Jack & Jill) – 2.9%

OUR COMMUNITY, OUR STRENGTH

GIVING AND WEALTH PRACTICES DISCRETIONARY GIVING Black donors listed how much of their discretionary giving (none, a little, some, most or nearly all) was directed towards their issues, causes or organizations. In other words, which causes or organizations did Black donors report as receiving the most of their discretionary income?

Black donors provide a foundation that helps to build the capacity of grassroot and grasstop local organizations in Hampton Roads. As illustrated in the chart below, most Black donors tend to give where they work and live. The result signal the value Black donors place upon giving locally.

W.K. Kellogg Foundation’s report, Cultures of Giving (2012), revealed that Black donors give a higher percentage of their income to community-based issues than other racial groups. Their generosity helps to fuel local and national philanthropy. By giving of their time, talent, treasure, ties and testimony,

As Black donors consider local issues, over one-third of Black donors (37%) reported that education received the most of their discretionary income, followed by church/religious organizations (16%) and family and friends in need (12%).

PATTERNS OF GIVING

RANKING OF DISCRETIONARY PHILANTHROPIC GIVING

41%

Education 37% Church/religious org 16% 29%

Family and friends in need 12% Social justice/racial equity 8% Direct service agencies 7% 14%

Economic stability/wealth building 6%

4% 2%

I give in the locality where I work and live

I give in the I give in the locality where locality where I work, live I live and my and my hometown hometown

I only give in I give in the the locality locality where where I live, I work and my which is hometown different from where I work

I do not give I only give to I only give in in the locality my hometown, the locality where I work, which is where I work live or my different from hometown where I currently live

GIVING AND WEALTH PRACTICES Most Black donors in the survey (two-thirds) reported having a wealth management plan, except for two cohorts: donors with a total annual household income of less than $40,000 (44%) and high-net-worth donors ($200,000- $249,999), only half of whom reported having a wealth management plan.

Less surprisingly, younger Black donors are less likely to report having a wealth management or wealth transfer plan (50% of Millennials versus 70% or more of Baby Boomers and the Silent Generation).

Do you have a wealth management or wealth transfer plan? AGE

YES

DO NOT KNOW

(1927-1945) Silent Generation

70%

30%

(1946-1964) Baby Boomers

73%

22%

(1965-1980) Generation X

65%

34%

(1981-1994) Millennials

60%

32%

(1995+) Generation Z

50%

30%

20%

BLACK DONORS’ WEALTH MANAGEMENT TOPICS OF INTEREST Over the next several decades, the expected transfer of roughly $30 trillion in assets from older generations to Generation X can vastly reshape the philanthropic landscape. Survey respondents expressed interest in several wealth management topics but ranked strategic family planning as a top learning priority, closely followed by interest in various types of charitable giving and the role of charitable giving in overall financial management. DONOR RANKING OF WEALTH MANAGEMENT TOPICS 1

Getting family engaged (develop strategic family philanthropic plans) – 26%

Types of charitable giving (e.g., giving circle, impact investing) – 25%

Role of charitable giving in overall management – 24%

4 More information on pressing social issues – 24% 5

Other – 1%

OUR COMMUNITY, OUR STRENGTH

BLACK PHILANTHROPIC OPPORTUNITY RANKING OF BLACK DONORS’ WEALTH MANAGEMENT TOPICS BY INCOME RANKING OF WEALTH MANAGEMENT TOPICS

BLACK DONORS’ REPORTED ANNUAL HOUSEHOLD INCOME LOW-INCOME: LESS THAN $80,000

MIDDLE-INCOME: $80,000 –$199,999

HIGH-INCOME: $200,000 OR MORE

Develop strategic family philanthropic plans

Types of charitable giving

Role of charitable giving in wealth management

More information on pressing social issues

TYPES OF BLACK DONORS Following earlier studies of Black donors in Cincinnati and Greater Richmond, NEBiP developed a typology to add to the understanding of Black donor behavior and motivation and to provide a benchmark to compare donor behavior. NEBIP’s typology describes three types of Black donors: Cornerstone,

QUESTION Motivation. What motivates you to give money?

Single or multiple sectors. Would you prefer to develop expertise in a single sector (e.g., the arts or health) or would you prefer to give to multiple sectors? Importance of time. Is it important that donating your time gets factored into how much money you can give?

Kinship and Sanctified. The Donor typology presents three categories to identify donors: motivation for giving, focus on a single or multiple sector, and the value placed on donations of time.

DONOR TYPES CORNERSTONE

KINSHIP

General betterment of society

Empowering the Black community (or a subset of the Black community)

SANCTIFIED

OTHER

Living out my faith

Creating a personal legacy; teaching my children that giving is important, etc. Children’s school or sports team fundraising; alma mater only, etc.

One sector (two if part of a couple), multiple organizations in that sector

One community, multiple sectors to help that community

Give to a trusted religious institution for their use as they see fit

Yes – I am getting to the point where my time is more precious than my money

My time and money are equally valuable

I do what is asked of My time is given me by the guidelines instead of my money of my faith and/or at this point in my religious institutions life

Whatever the community needs, I’m in

WHICH DONOR TYPE(S) EMERGED FROM THE GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS RESEARCH? Hampton Roads donors appear more closely aligned to the Sanctified and Kinship donor types. Donor respondents regularly attended church – nearly half attended once a week, even during the pandemic. The Black church received top ranking as donation recipients and as a focus of

personal giving. Other donors expressed interest in securing social, political and economic power for the Hampton Roads Black community. As such these donors are more closely aligned with the Kinship donor type.

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

THE LEVERAGE OF LINKAGE

COMMUNITY RESPONSIBILITY AND COMMONALITY

“

We are a family so we have to take care of each other,

NEBiP’S LINKED PHILANTHROPIC EQUITY (LPE) FRAMEWORK

one donor offered in discussing important social issues facing Hampton Roads’ Black community. Another added, “as long as you are working for the community and working for the whole, then everything is going to be alright.” A donor shared, “I have a commonality and that connects me…so really community is [about] what connects us.” Their comments, and those of other interviewees, illustrate the concept of “linked fate”: the belief that one’s individual fate is linked to the Black community.

Nearly all the Hampton Roads respondents agree with the concept of “linked fate” with nearly two-thirds agreeing strongly. High levels of linked fate imply a deep sense of community, bonds of trust and a feeling of interconnectedness. Communities with strong levels of linked fate have the foundation for undertaking efforts for the benefit of the collective. As to Black giving, Black communities with high levels of linked fate may be better prepared to engage in a strategic type of Black giving, one that directs donations to efforts that are proven to “move the needle” for Black communities.

”

LINKED FATE Do you agree or disagree that what happens to Black people in this country will have something to do with what happens in your life?

29% 65%

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

NEBiP’s LPE framework offers a pathway for strategic Black giving. It assumes that if the Black donor community expresses strong levels of linked fate for the Black community, their giving practices should closely and strategically align to that sentiment, electing to make donations that will result in an impact on the Black community. Under the LPE framework, in addition to giving to family and friends in need and close associates, it is expected that philanthropic activities would include the broader Black community. LPE goes beyond feeling connected with others in the Black community. It means strategic donations to causes and organizations that demonstrate the greatest impact for the Black community.

RECOMMENDATIONS Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy offers insight into current Black giving practices. It highlights early Black giving, as well as Black donors’ current attitudes, behaviors, practices and motivation. Our study engaged nearly 600 individuals in various phases over a 15-month period. Our purpose is to present a holistic view of Black donors, rather than understand donors for the sole purpose of donor cultivation. Our goal is to correct inaccuracies and clarify misperceptions about Black donors and Black philanthropy in Hampton Roads to inform conversations about donor value and future potential. To ground our recommendations, we used research and data as touchstones, as well as the invaluable input and feedback from the many Black donors in Hampton Roads. It is their voice, interests and aspirations that we hope to amplify through the following recommendations:

Develop a regional strategy of economic stability and wealth building to strengthen bonds between different Black donors and communities of Hampton Roads

Several Black donors noted Hampton Roads Black communities are not monolithic and that care should be exercised when referring to a “Hampton Roads Black community.” Black donors varied in their definition of Black community, from a “community of interest” with no specific geographical boundaries to referring only to those living in a specific city or even neighborhood. As one donor added, “Blacks in Norfolk and Newport News do not always get along.” Despite these differences, survey findings revealed Black donors across gender, region and education were in agreement that economic stability and wealth building is the top social issue in Hampton Roads’ Black communities. This consensus could form the basis of a unifying agenda between the various Black communities that make up Hampton Roads.

Develop and coalesce around an agenda that values and elevates strategic Black philanthropy

This study highlights Hampton Roads’ rich legacy and robust Black giving practices. Many respondents noted their giving is not recognized as philanthropic by others within and outside the Black community. As one donor added, “it is just something that I do.” Donors also perceive a discounting of non-monetary Black giving, even as they note non-monetary contributions are valuable aspects of Black giving. Donor interviews and focus groups revealed that some Black donors lack a strong intentionality in their giving. Several commented, “I can’t explain it, I just give” and another added, “I give what I like.” Black donors expressed a strong interest in learning about strategic wealth planning for their families, presenting an opportunity to develop an agenda on Black strategic giving. A strategic agenda would identify the expected outcomes of Black giving in Hampton Roads, both at an individual and community level. The philanthropic community can play a key role by sponsoring events and investing in programs and initiatives that focus on Black strategic giving.

Nurture, cultivate and advance the pipeline of the next generation of Black philanthropic leaders across all levels of philanthropy

Younger Black donors are at the helm of newer social and racial justice efforts, organizations and movements. They bring valuable perspectives and knowledge to the philanthropic landscape. Their inclusion should not be perfunctory, as their leadership development and cultivation will be key to ensuring the present and future success of Black voices, leadership and investment in philanthropy. A Black donor commented that “a serious leadership challenge” exists. Younger Black philanthropic leaders lack the networks, access and mentoring to prepare them for expanded leadership positions in nonprofits, foundations and boards. Their access will be critical to ensuring a healthy philanthropic landscape that invests in Black communities. Younger Black donors were more likely than their older counterparts to believe that initiatives in Hampton Roads did improve lives. They were as likely to believe in linked fate as well. A serious acknowledgment of their present contributions is needed. Their underestimated potential should be developed and the engagement of younger donors should be encouraged, promoted and protected.

THE LEVERAGE OF LINKAGE

RECOMMENDATIONS & CONCLUSION 4

Build upon the inroads into the region’s Black communities by sponsoring events and programs focused on their topics of interest

The Hampton Roads Community Foundation sponsored a variety of programs of interest to the region’s Black community during the COVID-19 pandemic. Given COVID-19, nonprofits and the philanthropic community have made notable inroads in the Black community. But as the region continues to emerge from the pandemic, how will the philanthropic community sustain that momentum and traction? The Foundation’s programs and events attracted hundreds, if not a few thousand, participants and earned the Foundation positive reviews from the region’s Black professionals. This momentum could continue, with the Foundation leading the way, by highlighting priority topics of Black donors, such as racial disparities. This would increase the Foundation’s visibility within Black communities, while signaling the Foundation’s public position on racial equity.

Invest in building a network or cohort of Black-led organizations to amplify and increase Black communities’ awareness of their presence, influence and successes

Most Black donors believe it is very important to direct their donation dollars to Black-led organizations. Donor support of Black-led organizations was greater than their support of organizations that exclusively focus on Black issues. It is important for Black donors to see racial equity reflected in an organization’s programming and its leadership. As indicated in the report, Black donors want more information about Black-led organizations, but the information is not readily accessible. One option is investing in a strategic communications scan of Black-led organizations to understand Black donors’ sources of information, and messages and outreach that most resonate.

Offer tools, resources, and capacity building opportunities to increase intergenerational knowledge and philanthropic wealth management

Wealth building is a top priority of Black donors. Yet, survey findings reveal some Black donors lack wealth management planning, including half of the donors in the second highest income bracket ($200,000-$249,999). In addition, younger Black donors are planning for the future now.

Amplify the results of the Giving Black® study to encourage the building of tangible connections across all communities for a stronger Black philanthropic community

Black Philanthropic donors, like other donors, depend on a sense of belonging to a community and collective decision-making. Black philanthropic givers come from some of the highest professional ranks, where they engage in highlevel decisions, yet their perspective is often overlooked by the philanthropic community. There is a tendency to impose generalized notions of philanthropy across the spectrum, rather than seek and implement creative solutions from creative people. Philanthropy often asks that potential philanthropists find a way to fit into existing structures, rather than offer them platforms and avenues for new, impactful investment.

CONCLUSION The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads, The Genesis of American Black Philanthropy study chronicles Hampton Roads’ unique history and rich legacy of Black giving. The practices and traditions that appeared early on in Hampton Roads were replicated in Black giving practices across the nation. This report describes the attitudes and patterns of giving among Hampton Roads’ Black donors. Our findings reveal many examples of a Black donor community often guided by deep religious faith, and a belief in linked fate and in making Hampton Roads a better place for Black communities to thrive. The narrative about Black giving needs to be revised. Too often, Black donors are not viewed as philanthropists, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. Black giving practices are simplified, categorized as solely “giving to the church,” which discounts the multi-functional role churches play in the Black community. As one donor shared, “there’s so many things that need to be done…that some of the churches have become philanthropic. Some of them have vaccination clinics, for example.” NEBiP’s approach is to offer research and data as touchstones to counter anecdotes, assumptions and false narratives of Black giving. Survey findings confirm what many Black donors expressed during one-on-one interviews and focus groups: Hampton Roads’ Black community is not monolithic. NEBiP offers two framworks, a Black Donor typology and Linked Philanthropic Equity, to give additional context for Hampton Roads’ philanthropic community to consider. We believe research should invite additional conversation, debate and questions. We trust the study will prove useful in conversations on Black donor views, behaviors, practices and trends.

GIVING BLACK®: HAMPTON ROADS

APPENDIX

DATA ANALYTICS The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads survey represents a collaborative partnership between NEBiP, Hampton Roads Community Foundation, Visionaries for Change and the region’s notable philanthropic partners and individuals. Their 15-month engagement has culminated in an extensive study of the early history and current attitudes, practices and trends of Black giving for a select sample of Hampton Roads’ Black philanthropic community.

descent or in combination with another racial identity were included in the analysis. Survey data collection began in February 2021 and closed in April 2021.

This research offers a snapshot of current Black giving attitudes and practices in Hampton Roads. Its purpose is to provide data and touchpoints for further reflection and discussion on the current and future Black giving landscape. Its hope is to catalyze conversations on Black philanthropy, both its current state and untapped potential. The report may prove useful to those seeking to understand and to explore Black giving practices in Hampton Roads.

Twenty-six 90-minute one-on-one interviews and two focus groups were conducted with Hampton Roads’ Black donors. Interviews began in March 2021 and concluded in April 2021. NEBiP used a semi-structured interview protocol for the focus groups and the one-on-one interviews. Focus group participants and interviewees were diverse in gender, income, occupation, region and age, ranging from the Silent Generation to Generation Z. Topics did vary depending upon the energy and flow of the conversation, as well as participants’ responses. Examples of common themes covered included definitions of philanthropy and community, participants’ introduction and experiences to philanthropy, and motivations for giving. Participants were recruited with guidance and assistance from the Hampton Roads Community Foundation to help ensure appropriate diversity in region, age, gender and occupation. Interviews and focus groups were recorded after obtaining participants’ consent. Participants were also provided the option to participate without recording their responses. They were also assured of confidentiality, as self-identifying information, such as specific attribution of quotes, would

METHODOLOGY OVERVIEW The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads study instrument was developed by NEBiP in close collaboration with the Steering Committee but administered by NEBiP only. The survey design leveraged three previous NEBiP Giving Black surveys in Boston, Cincinnati and Richmond. With guidance from the Steering and Advisory Committees, the survey was distributed through their networks. Nearly 470 individuals from Hampton Roads accessed the survey online, with 320 completed survey responses. Survey respondents who either self-reported a racial identification as exclusively of African

The Giving Black®: Hampton Roads study relied upon quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Although we received over 470 surveys, quantitatively, findings relied on 320 completed survey responses, which represents a survey completion rate of 68%. (By comparison, the average survey completion rate for surveys with 15 or more questions was 42% in 2019, according to survicate, a well-known survey provider). Moreover, the survey company’s data quality analysis check, a feature that uses artificial intelligence to detect poor data, revealed a 100% passage rate of the 320 Hampton Roads’ survey responses. The survey instrument was comprised of 38 questions that were primarily closed but included a few open-ended questions. Qualitatively, the study used a snowball sampling of Black donors in Hampton Roads, including focus groups and one-on-one interviews.

DEMOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW

be excluded in the public report. HyperRESEARCH and Microsoft Excel were used to help code qualitative data. Survey respondents were mostly well educated, Black women who were employed full-time with mid- to uppermiddle class household income. A slight majority (53%) had an annual household income of $80,000 or more. Unemployed survey respondents (both those looking and not currently looking for work) include 1%. Two-thirds had earned a Bachelor’s or Master’s degree. Most respondents (87%) did not previously or currently serve in the military and

most (88%) were longtime (at least a decade or more) Hampton Roads residents. Two-thirds of the respondents were connected to HBCUs either as students and/or with family members as students and/or employees. Survey findings were statistically significant at a 95% confidence level (meaning less than a 5% probability that the result was due to chance). Statistical significance is a term used to describe results that are unlikely to have occurred by chance and states the level of certainty that a different or important relationship exists.

the rising sun “ Facing of our new day begun, Let us march on ’til victory is won.

”

Lift Every Voice and Sing James Weldon Johnson J. Rosamond Johnson

APPENDIX

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS NEBiP’s deepest appreciation is extended to the exceptional and fearless Hampton Roads Steering Committee. Their unwavering commitment, sage guidance and unflagging efforts never ceased to amaze. They, individually and collectively, embody Black giving at its finest. Giving Black®: Hampton Roads is dedicated to their honor.

STEERING COMMITTEE MEMBERS Robin Foreman-Wheeler* Vice President for Administration | Hampton Roads Community Foundation Sharon S. Goodwyn* Counsel, Hunton Andrews Kurth LLP | Vice Chair, Hampton Roads Community Foundation Vivian Oden* Vice President for Equity and Inclusion | Hampton Roads Community Foundation

ADVISORY COUNCIL MEMBERS Brenda H. Andrews New Journal and Guide

Dr. Sarita McCoy Gregory Community Leader

Alonzo C. Brandon Old Dominion University

Amanda B. Murray READY Academy

Joe Brooks United Way of South Hampton Roads

Dr. Robert G. Murray The Historic First Baptist Church

Blair Durham Co-Founder and President, Black BRAND

Dr. Amelia Ross-Hammond* Founder and Chairman, Virginia African American Cultural Center, Inc.

Felicia Ford Community Leader Honorable Jimmy Gray* Hampton City Council Dr. Karen Hills Pruden Virginia Beach NAACP Honorable Jerrauld C. Jones* Judge Board Member, Hampton Roads Community Foundation Dr. Ruth Jones Nichols* Foodbank of Southeastern Virginia and the Eastern Shore Kieara Lundy* College Graduate

Honorable Aaron Rouse Virginia Beach City Council Audrey Settle* Community Volunteer Toiya Sosa Riverside Health System Dr. Kawanna Ward, LCSW* Blakey Weaver Counseling Center, Inc. Sharhonda M. Woods ForKids, inc.

*Visionaries for Change Founding Member www.visionariesforchange.org

SPECIAL CONTRIBUTORS & ADVISORS Starr Armstrong | Founder and Executive Director, Clever Communities in Action

Dorothy Jones | Philanthropist

Cheryl Berry | Financial Adviser

Honorable Jerrauld C. Jones* | Judge Board Member, Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Golden Bethune-Hill | Founder, Community Free Clinic of Newport News

Kevin X. Jones* | Vice President, Transportation, Dollar Tree, Inc.

Gilbert T. Bland* | CEO, The Giljoy Group Board Member, Hampton Roads Community Foundation

Shevette Jones* | Philanthropist

L.D. Britt, MD, MPH* | Chair of Surgery, EVMS Board Member, Hampton Roads Community Foundation Tony Brothers* | Founder, Men for Hope, Inc. Bishop Kim Walter Brown* | Presiding Prelate, The Mount Global Fellowship of Churches Dr. Valerie K. Brown* | Executive Pastor, The Mount Global Fellowship of Churches Jack Ezzell | CEO, Zel Technologies Lawrence A. Gholson II | Business Owner, Real Estate Investor, Author, Community Strategist Ti’Juana Gholson | Business Coach, Speaker, Author Sharon Goodwyn* | Counsel, Hunton Andrews Kurth LLP Vice Chair, Hampton Roads Community Foundation Honorable S. Bernard Goodwyn* | Justice, Supreme Court of Virginia Honorable Jimmy Gray* | Hampton City Council Charlie Hill | President and Co-founder, Hampton Roads Prostate Health Forum Dr. Kirk T. Houston Sr. | Senior Pastor, Gethsemane Community Fellowship Baptist Church Sharon D. Houston, MSW | Director of Ministry, Gethsemane Community Fellowship Baptist Church Mark Johnson | Vice President, Community Development Manager, Virginia East Region, Truist

Jay Lang | Station Manager, Smooth 88.1 WHOV Hampton University, President and CEO, The HJ Lang Foundation Lemuel Lewis* | President, LocalWeather.com Board Member, Hampton Roads Community Foundation Sandra Lewis* | Philanthropist Taryn McLean | Hampton Roads Pride Gwendolyn J. Moss, Ed.D. | Author, Motivational Speaker, Philanthropist J.D. Myers, II | Senior Vice President and Virginia Region Manager, Cox Communications Verlaine Quinniey | Founder, The Connect 757 Dr. Dwight Shawrod Riddick, II* | Philanthropist Joycelyn Spight Roache, CRC | Philanthropist Congressman Robert C. “Bobby” Scott* | Member of Congress Toiya Sosa | Riverside Health System Jy’Mir Starks | Clever Communities in Action Alexis Swann | Peninsula and Williamsburg President, TowneBank Seko Varner | President, Positive Vibes Inc.

Design & Layout: Ashley Melin, Point3Design Editing: Dr. Linda Cummings, Eleanor Gaston, Keija Minor, Rich Feinberg *Visionaries for Change Founding Member www.visionariesforchange.org

APPENDIX

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Beth Austin, Registrar and Historian. “1619: Virginia’s First Africans.”

Philanthropy News Digest by Candid. (2020, August 30). “Com-

Revised December 2019. www.HamptonHistoryMuseum.org/1619.

munity foundations underfunding Black communities, study finds.”

Hampton Roads Chamber of Commerce. https://www.hrchamber. com/page/our-military Hampton Roads Planning (2020). Twin Paths to Freedom: The History and Archaeology of James City County’s Free Black Communities. Archaeological Society of Virginia Special Pub lication #46. McIntosh, Kriston; Moss, Emily; Nunn, Ryan; and Shambaugh, Jay. (2020, February 27). “Examining the Black-white wealth gap.” Blog post. Brookings Institution. https://www.brookings. edu/blog/upfront/2020/02/27/examining-the-black-white- wealth-gap, Montgomery, Annette (2005). Suffolk. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing. National Philanthropic Trust. (2020). Donor-Advised Fund Report. https://www.nptrust.org/reports/daf-report. Newby-Alexander, Cassandra L. (2010). An African American History of the Civil War Hampton Roads. Charleston, SC: The History Press. Newby-Alexander, Cassandra L., Breckenridge-Haywood, Mae and the African American Historical Society of Portsmouth. (2003).

https://philanthropynewsdigest.org/news/community-foundations-underfunding-black-communities-study-finds. PBS. (2014, May 28). Death at James, Interview with William Kelso.

www.pbs.org/wnet/secrets/death-jamestown-interview-wil-

liam-kelso/1438. Richter, Annette Lane Harrison. (2019, December). “Reflections on Black Sisterhood and the United Order of Tents.” Journal #105. www.e-flux.com. Rose, Ruth A. (2000). Norfolk, Virginia. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing. Kindle eBook. Rowe, Linda. (n.d.). “African Americans in Williamsburg 1865-1945.” Document provided to NEBiP by the Hampton History Museum. Schley, Mary Margaret. (2013, May). “The United Order of Tents and 73 Cannon Street: A Study of Identity and Place.” Master Thesis of Science. Historic Preservation. Clemson University and College of Charleston. Schneider, Gregory S. (2019, April 30). “Anthony and Mary Johnson were pioneers on the Eastern Shore whose surprising story tells much about race in Virginia history.” The Washington Post.

APPENDIX

REFERENCES CONTINUED Schweninger, Loren. (1992). “The Roots of Enterprise: Black-Owned Businesses in Virginia, 1830-1880,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100, no. 4. Scott, Anne Firor Scott. (1998, revised 2019). “Janie Aurora Porter Barrett (1865-1948).” Dictionary of Virginia Biography. Library of Virginia, www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.php?b=Barrett_janie_ Porter. The Case Foundation. (2020). “The Millennial Impact Report: Understanding How Millennials Engage with Causes and So- cial Issues.” http://www.themillennialimpact.com/sites/de-

fault/files/imag-

es/2018/MIR-10-Years-Looking-Back.pdf. The Ella Fitzgerald Charitable Foundation. (n.d.). http://www. ellafitzgerald.com. “The People’s Building and Loan Association of Hampton.” (n.d.). https://hampton.pastperfectonline.com/search. U.S. Department of the Interior. National Park Service. (n.d.). Park Ethnography Program. African American Heritage & Ethnography. African Nation Founders. Africans in the Chesapeake. Time, Space & People. Free Africans on Virginia’s Eastern Shores. https://www.nps. gov/ethnography/aah/aaheritage/chesapeakec.html. Voss, Michael Gordon. (2020, August 12). “African American Philanthropy: A Culture of Generosity.” Interview with Tyrone Freeman and Stasia Washington. Stanford Social Innovation Review. Podcast audio.

ssir.org/podcasts/entry/African_american_philanthropy_a_

culture_of_generosity. Watson, Denise M. (2019, February 14). “Teddy Riley, godfather of

the “New Jack Swing” sound of the ‘80s and ‘90s, returning to Hampton on Friday.” The Virginian Pilot.

Website. First Baptist Church of Hampton. https://thefbch. org/about-us/our-history/.

ENDNOTES EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 National Park Service, Park Ethnography Program, African American Heritage & Ethnography: African National Founders, Africans in the Chesapeake, n.d., https://www.nps.gov/ ethnography/aah/AAheritage/ChesapeakeC.html. 2 Meg Greene Malvasi and Elizabeth J. Monroe, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, “Survey Report: African American Historic Resources, City of Chesapeake, Virginia,” Williamsburg, VA: 2010, http://www.cityofchesapeake.net/ Assets/documents/boards_commissions/historic_preservation_commission/Other+Resources/African+American+Historic+Resources.pdf 3 Lila Ammons, ”The Evolution of Black-Owned Banks in the United States Between the 1880s and 1990s,” Journal of Black Studies, 26, no. 4 (March 1996): 467-489. 4 Malvasi and Monroe, Survey Report: City of Chesapeake, VA, 2010, 14. 5 Mark St. John Erickson, “Gateway to freedom: Black watermen chart course for success on Hampton Roads waterways, “Daily Press, February 3, 2018, https://www.dailypress.com/ history/dp-nws-black-watermen-20180130-story.html 6 Fraser Institute, Bulletin, “Generosity in Canada and the United States: The 2019 Generosity Index,” 2019, www.fraserinstitute.org/sites/default/files/generosity-index-2019.pdf 7 National Philanthropic Trust, Donor-Advised Fund Report, 2020, https://www.nptrust.org/philanthropic-resources/ charitable-giving-statistics.

REPORT 1 Hampton History Museum, prepared by Beth Austin, Registrar and Historian, “1619: Virginia’s First Africans,” December 2018, Revised December 2019, 4-6, www.HamptonHistoryMuseum.org/1619 2 Hampton History Museum, “1619,” 2019, 4; National Park Service, Park Ethnography Program, African American Heritage & Ethnography: African National Founders, Africans in the Chesapeake, n.d., https://www.nps.gov/ ethnography/ aah/AAheritage/ChesapeakeC.html. The first Africans in the Americas were present about 500 years before 1619. The first Africans in Virginia came, not as settlers, but as explorers of Spanish and French Jesuit missions, over a century before the 1620 founding of Jamestown. Estevanico was a

Moroccan African captured by Portuguese and enslaved by Castilians who transported him to an expedition to conquer Florida. 3 Lila Ammons, ”The Evolution of Black-Owned Banks in the United States Between the 1880s and 1990s,” Journal of Black Studies, 26, no. 4 (March 1996): 467-489. 4 Malvasi and Monroe, Survey Report: City of Chesapeake, VA, 2010. 5 Gregory S. Schneider, “Anthony and Mary Joh nson were pioneers on the Eastern Shore whose surprising story tells much about race in Virginia history,” The Washington Post, April 30, 2019. 6 Michael, Cottman, “’Angela Site’ uncovers details on one of first enslaved Africans in America,” December 5, 2017,” https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/angela-site-reveals-daily-life-enslaved-african-america-n825701 7 Deborah Barfield Berry and Rick Hampson, “The founding family you’ve never heard of: The black Tuckers of Hampton, Virginia,” USA Today, August 21, 2019. 8 Edward Nelson Palmer, ”Negro Secret Societies,” So cial Forces. 23, no. 2 (1944): 209. 9 Tommy Bogger; Sarah S. Hughes.; Terry L. Jones and William Paquette, edited by Jane H. Kobelski, Readings in Black & White, Lower Tidewater Virginia, Portsmouth Public Library, Virginia Beach, VA: Colonial Printing, 1982, 2-3. 10 Bogger, Readings in Black & White, 6. 11 National Park Service, Africans in the Chesapeake, n.d. 12 Felicia L. Mason, “Hampton black history then, now and in between,” Daily Press, February 14, 2014, https://www. daily-press.com/life/dp-fea-jones-black-history-20140222story. Html 13 Martha W. McCartney, Twin Paths to Freedom: The History and Archaeology of James City County’s Free Black Communities (Williamsburg, VA: Archeological Society of Virginia, 2020), 42, 64. 14 Cassandra L. Newby Alexander, Lecture, 2019. 15 Loren Schweninger, “The Roots of Enterprise: BlackOwned Businesses in Virginia, 1830-1880,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 100, no. 4 (1992): 522 16 https://www.facebook.com/HamptonHistoryMuseum/ posts/10157611774186375 83

APPENDIX

ENDNOTES CONTINUED 17 Search for “The People’s Building and Loan Association of Hampton” in https://hampton.pastperfectonline.com/search; Annette Montgomery, Suffolk. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2005, Kindle eBook. 18 Linda Rowe, “African Americans in Williamsburg 18651945,” n.d., 121-134, Document provided by the Hampton History Museum. 19 Paul Clancy, Hampton Roads Chronicles, History From the Birthplace of America. Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2009, 60. 20 Mark St. John Erickson, “Lost black township in York County lives on in memory,” Daily Press, February 22, 2016. 21 Colita Fairfax Nichols, Hampton, Virginia, Charleston, SC, Arcadia Publishing, 2005, 23. 22 Cassandra L. Newby-Alexander and Mae Breckenridge-Haywood and the African American Historical Society of Portsmouth, Portsmouth, Virginia, Black America Series. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2003, 98. 23 Anne Firor Scott, “Janie Aurora Porter Barrett (18651948),” Dictionary of Virginia Biography, Library of Virginia 1998, revised 2019, www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio. php?b=Barrett_janie_ Porter

30 Malvasi and Monroe, Survey Report: City of Chesapeake, VA, 2010, 37. 31 John L. Hanson, Jr., “The Queen of Rhythm and Blues: Ruth Brown,” January 11, 2017, www.kut-org/life-arts/2017-01-11/ the-queen-of-rhythm-and-blues-ruth-brown; Lori Hutcherson, “Born on This Day in 1928: Ruth Brown, Grammy and Tony Award-Winning “Queen of R&B” and Musicians’ Rights Activist,” January 12, 2019, goodblacknews.org/2019/01/12/ born-on-this-day-in-1928-ruth-brown-grammy-and-tonyaward-winning-queen-of-rb-and-musicians-rights-activist. 32 The Ella Fitzgerald Charitable Foundation, https://www. ellafitzgerald.com. 33 Denise M. Watson, “Teddy Riley, godfather of the “New Jack Swing” sound of the ‘80s and ‘90s, returning to Hampton on Friday,” The Virginian Pilot, February 14, 2019. 34 Borgen Magazine, “Missy Elliott: The Heavy-Hittin’ Donor,” May 17, 2015, www.borgenmagazine.com/missy-elliott-heavy-hittin-donor; Borgen Magazine, “Timbaland on the Beats, Runnin’ Donations on the Scene,” August 1, 2016, www. borgenmagazine.com/timbaland-uses-music-to-in-cite-donations.

25 Website of the First Baptist Church of Hampton, https:// thefbch.org/about-us/our-history/

35 Andrea Blackstone, “Black Tech entrepreneurs Score $1M Prize from Pharrell Williams, Black Ambition Competition,” www.blackenterprise.com/black-tech-entrepreneurs-score1m-prize-from-pharrell-williams-black-ambition-competition; Jasmine Browley, “Pharrell Williams’ Black Ambition Prize Awards Emerging Founders Up to $1 Million to Help Close Wealth Gap,” www.essence.com/news/money-career/ pharrell-williams-black-ambition-prize-winners; and Tara C. Mahadevan, “Pharrell Opening Private School in Virginia for Low-Income Students,” June 13, 2021, www.Complex.com/ music/Pharrell-private-school-virginia-low-income-students.

26 Mark St. John Erickson, In 1800s Williamsburg, ‘Cheap Store’ made black merchant rich. Daily Press. February 3, 2013; Will Molineux, The Story of San Harris’ Cheap Store, https:// www.dailypress.com/news/dp-xpm-19981113-199811-13-9811130075-story.html

36 Michael Gordon Voss, “African American Philanthropy: A Culture of Generosity,” Interview with Tyrone Freeman and Stasia Washington, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Podcast audio, August 12, 2020, ssir.org/podcasts/entry/African_ american_philanthropy_a_culture_of_generosity.

27 Rowe, Africans in Williamsburg, n.d.

37 Voss, “African American Philanthropy,” 2020.

28 Malvasi and Monroe, Survey Report: City of Chesapeake, VA, 2010, 23.

38 Erin Hobey, “Massolution Posts Research Findings: Crowdfunding Market Grows 167% in 2014, Crowdfunding Platforms Raise $16.2 Billion,” March 31, 2015, https://www.

24 Ruth A. Rose, Norfolk, Virginia, Charleston, SC: Arcadia Publishing, 2000, Kindle eBook; Kaitlyn Greenidge, “Secrets of the South,” October 6, 2017, www.lennyletter.com; Annette Lane Harrison Richter, “Reflections on Black Sisterhood and the United Order of Tents,” Journal #105, December 2019, www.e-flux,com; and Mary Margaret Schley, “The United Order of Tents and 73 Cannon Street: A Study of Identity and Place,” Thesis, Master of Science, Historic Preservation, Clemson University and College of Charleston, May 2013.

29 Malvasi and Monroe, Survey Report: City of Chesapeake, 84

VA, 2010, 23.

crowdfundinsider.com/2015/03/65302-massolution-postsresearch-findings-crowdfunding-market-grows-167-in2014-crowdfunding-platforms-raise-16-2-billion 39 For the purposes of this report Greater Hampton Roads MSA (and “MSA”) refers to the larger metropolitan statistical area which encompasses Hampton Roads: Virginia BeachNor- folk-Newport News VA-NC MSA, which is the official name of the Greater Hampton Roads MSA. 40 Comparison data for the Greater Hampton Roads MSA was derived from the website of the Community Indicators Dash- board for Greater Hampton Roads, http://www.ghrconnects. org/demographicdata?id=2991. 41 Hampton Roads Chamber of Commerce, https://www.hrchamber.com/page/our-military. 42 Hampton Roads Planning District Commission, https:// www.hrpdcva.gov. See “Economic Impact of the Department of Defense on Hampton Roads” Report, October 2013, 11, Economic Impact of the DoD in Hampton Roads- DRAFT.pdf (hrpdcva.gov) 43 Comparison data for the Greater Hampton Roads MSA was derived from the website of the Community Indicators Dash- board for Greater Hampton Roads, http://www.ghrconnects. org/demographicdata?id=2991. 44 Bank of America and the Lily Family School of Philanthropy, Indiana University, Executive Summary, The 2018 U.S. Trust Study of High-net-worth Philanthropy,” 2018, https://www.dallascharitablegiftplanners.org/uploads/2/4/3/8/24388598/2018_high_net_worth_philanthropy executive_entire_packet.pdf. The study defines a high-networth household as those with a net worth of one million or more (excluding the value of the primary home) and/or an annual household income of $200,000 or more. Over twothirds (67%) report their pre-COVID-19 household income remained the same throughout the pandemic, with 16% reporting an increase in annual household income. 45 For the purposes of this report Greater Hampton Roads MSA (and “MSA”) refers to the larger metropolitan statistical area which encompasses Hampton Roads: Virginia BeachNor- folk-Newport News VA-NC MSA, which is the official name of the Greater Hampton Roads MSA.

community-foundations-underfunding-black-communities-study-finds; Cheryl Dorsey, Jeff Bradach and Peter Kim, The Bridgespan Group, “Racial Equity and Philanthropy: Disparities in Funding for Leaders of Color Leave Impact on the Table,” May 4, 2020, www.bridgespan.org/insights/ library/philanthropy/disparities-nonprofit-funding-for-leaders-of-color; Liz Dozier and Candice C. Jones, “Hyperlocal Giving to Black-Led Nonprofits Cannot Simply Be a Trend,” Stanford Social Innovation Review, December 14, 2020, https://ssir. org/articles/entry/hyperlocal_giving_to_black_ led_nonprof- its_cannot_simply_be_a_trend. 47 Katherine Hafner, “$1 Million from Facebook going to 30 Black-run nonprofits in Hampton Roads,” The Virginian-Pilot, June 16, 2021, https://hamptonroadscf.org/leadership-initiatives/diversity-equity-and-inclusion/black-community-partnership-fund; Katherine Hafner, “With $1 million from Facebook, local foundation creates fund for Black community, The Virginian-Pilot, December 20, 2020, https://www.pilotonline.com/news/vp-nw-facebook-black-community-partnership-fund-20201215 48 Brooke Auxier, “Social media continue to be important political outlets for Black Americans,” Pew Research Center, December 11, 2020, https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2020/12/11/social-media-continue-to-be-important-po litical-outlets-for-black-americans. 49 Blackbaud, “Diversity in Giving: The Changing Landscape of American Philanthropy,” February 2015, 6, http://www. thenonprofittimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/Diversity-in-Giving-Study-FINAL.pdf 50 The survey instrument originally had six income cohorts for respondents to self-categorize. The six income categories were collapsed to three (moderate, middle and high) for ease of understanding. For example, “moderate-Income“ describes annual household incomes of below $80,000. This categorizations only applies to this specific sample of Black donor survey respondents only. By contrast, most Black Americans’ annual household incomes ranged below $80,000 in the 2020 U.S. Census.

46 Philanthropy News Digest by Candid, “Community foundations underfunding Black communities, study finds,” August 30, 2020, https://philanthropynewsdigest.org/news/ 85